Public hearings and public preferences: the case of the White House Conference on Families

To provide input into Arizona's participation in the White House Conference on Families, the Arizona Governor's Council on Children, Youth, and Families commissioned a random statewide survey to assess the relative priority given to 41 selected family-related needs and preferences for institutional responses to those needs. A similar survey was administered to participants at each of six regional public hearings held throughout the state prior to the 1980 White House Conference on Families. A comparison of the two surveys provides an opportunity to test the representativeness of public hearings participants with respect to the population from which they were drawn. Fundamental differences in the priorities of these two samples cast considerable doubt on the assumption that public hearings are an effective means of gauging public sentiment.     

The justifications for terminating parental rights and adoption in the United States

This article examines the normative basis for prioritizing adoption in the “Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997” (ASFA) as expressed by legislators and public witnesses in congressional hearings. By examining six congressional hearings in the period that led to the ASFA, the article provides new insights to understand how adoption is justified in the U.S. not only as an acceptable form of public intervention but also as an actively promoted and preferred approach when reunification is not possible. The article uses a discourse theoretical framework based on Habermas that distinguishes pragmatic, ethical–political, moral, and legal arguments. It reveals that U.S. federal adoption policy is based on three pillars. Pragmatic risk-oriented thinking forms the central knowledge base to inform policy. Parent responsibility ethics stresses individual responsibility for rehabilitation, with secondary support from the welfare system. Child refamilialization ethics emphasizes decisive and authoritative action to protect the child's needs for safety and permanence.     

Public accountability in non-profit industrial development organisations

Non-profit industrial development organisations (NIDOs) represent a common but little studied community response to widespread deindustrialisation in the United States. These non-profits are organised as chartered not-for-profit corporations, public authorities or agencies of local government. Most receive at least some public funding to promote local industrial development. Thus, a key issue is how accountable NIDOs are to the public they have been created to serve. Data from national surveys of NIDO executive directors in 1984 and 1994, as well as a survey of six case study boards of directors, suggest that public accountability is an increasingly important concern among NIDOs. Public hearings, efforts to diversify the boards in terms of gender and race, and connections to community development corporations and other local organisations are among the ways NIDOs attempt to be accountable to the general public. Although few women or racial minorities serve on NIDO boards, those boards with representation of these groups tend to be more concerned with public accountability. Boards containing public officials tend to be less concerned, presumably because their presence makes the NIDOs more directly accountable as a result of the participation of elected public representatives.     

Public sector union democracy: A comparative analysis

A congressional subcommittee held “union democracy” hearings in 1998 and 1999 to debate the impact and effectiveness of the union-democracy protections provided by the Land rum-Griffin Act which provides union members in the private sector and U.S. Postal Service certain democratic rights and protections. What was not resolved at that hearing was whether state sector or public employee union members should also enjoy the same democracy protections. We survey the existing 28 state sector collective bargaining laws and find that the majority of state legislation falls considerably short of the protections provided by the Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act. Moreover the consequences of limited state-enacted union-democracy protections are discussed and assessed to determine whether LMRDA jurisdiction should also cover public sector union members.     

The Transformation of Sexual Harassment from a Private Trouble into a Public Issue

Sexual harassment, i.e., unwanted sexual attention, is not a new phenomenon for working women. Yet only in recent years have the behaviors constituting it been challenged and recognized as detrimental to society. This paper documents the process by which sexual harassment emerged on the public agenda. It identifies the major elements–media attention, activities of interest groups, court actions, and legislation–involved in the process of redefinition and examines how and why each promoted the issue. The data, gathered from analyses of publication and language trends, records of congressional hearings, and interviews with several participants in the process, are used to further understanding of how these elements converged during a period of social concern for women's rights and enabled a public reconceptualization of sexually harassing behaviors.     

Invoking Public Opinion: Policy Elites and Social Security

Do policy elites invoke public opinion? When they do, are theirclaims based on evidence from public opinion surveys? To learnabout the claims that policy elites make, we examined statementsthe president and members of Congress, experts, and interestgroup leaders in congressional hearings made about Social Security.To learn about opinion data on Social Security, we conducteda Lexis-Nexis search of the archives of the Roper Center forPublic Opinion Research. Our analyses show that policy elitesdiscussing Social Security did invoke public opinion. Contraryto our expectations, however, few of the elite invocations ofpublic opinion cited specific surveys or concrete facts aboutthe distribution of opinion. Although claims directly contradictingsurvey evidence were relatively rare, only with the rather fewspecific claims by congressional elites did we find much clear-cutsupport in the available polling data. Relatively seldom couldwe find clear-cut support for the elites' general claims. Moreover,some of the most frequent claims about public opinion—couldhave been contested but seldom were. The highly visible andwell-polled case of Social Security suggests that specific,data-based elite invocations of public opinion may be even lesscommon on other, lower-visibility and less-polled issues. Italso suggests that survey research professionals might do wellto intensify their scrutiny of public discourse about publicopinion and to increase their efforts to bring scientific expertiseto bear upon such discourse.     

Rule of law: Sharia panic and the US Constitution in the House of Representatives

In spring of 2011, Peter King (R-NY) convened a hearing titled ‘The Extent of Radicalization among American Muslims’ in the US House of Representatives. Democratic participants critiqued the hearings and contextualized the proceedings within the long history of institutionalized racism in the USA. They argued that the hearings were a threat to the Constitution itself, a violation of the Fourteenth Amendment's equal protection clause and the First Amendment's guarantee of freedom of religion. Republican participants shared concerns about threats to the Constitution but suggested that the hearings were part of a strategy to combat this threat. Numerous Republican participants identified forms of Islamic law, or sharia law, as the primary threat to the integrity of the rule of law (ROL). Despite opposing positions, all actors agreed that the ‘ROL’ is that which will save the nation from threats posed from both outside and inside the nation and, as such, it is the ROL itself that must be protected. In this sense, the ‘ROL’ ensured by the Constitution inadvertently became the primary object of the hearings. In this essay, we bring analytical approaches from performance studies and anthropology to argue that the hearings impel a re-examination of the concept of ‘ROL’ itself. Rather than simply addressing the legislative effects of the hearings, we are interested in what they reveal about the performative and cultural dimensions of the law and the lawmaking process. While critics of the hearings derisively referred to them as ‘political theater’, we suggest that it is the nature of the King Hearings as staged public spectacle that imbue them with a politically performative power. We also identify the specific effects of sharia panic in contemporary US American political and legal discourse.     

Ten years later: Locating and interviewing children of drug abusers

Longitudinal studies require high follow-up rates in order to maintain statistical power, reduce bias, and enhance the generalizability of results. This study reports on locating and survey completion for a 10-year follow-up of the Focus on Families project, an investigation of 130 families headed by parents who were enrolled in methadone treatment for opiate addiction. Despite having no contact with participants in the study for at least 10 years, the project successfully located nearly 99% of parent participants and 98% of their children. Twenty-four percent of the parents and one child had died before the follow-up. Of the surviving sample, 91% of parents and 86% of the children completed the follow-up interview. Multiple techniques were used to locate study participants, including internet searches, researching court and public records, collaborating with government and service agencies, and contacting family and social networks. For more than half of the sample, costly efforts were required to locate individual participants.     

Public attitudes toward child maltreatment in Israel: Implications for policy

Objective

The public view of the severity of social problems and their perceptions of how effectively they are being addressed have a major impact on public policies and resource allocation. The present study focuses on public attitudes toward child maltreatment. It examines perceptions of child maltreatment as a social problem, and attitudes toward prevention and treatment strategies in cases of child abuse and neglect.

Methods

A survey was conducted among a representative sample of 812 Israeli adults: 688 Jews, and 124 Arabs. Fifty additional Ultra-Orthodox Jews were added for comparisons among Jewish participants.

Results

The participants tend to view violence and alcohol consumption among youth as a more serious problem than parental maltreatment of children. Low-income participants tend to view child maltreatment as a more serious problem than did high-income participants. Jewish participants (except for ultra-Orthodox Jews) view child maltreatment as a significantly more serious problem than did Arabs and Ultra-Orthodox Jews. Most of the participants believe that parents who maltreat their children should be punished, but they should be taught how to refrain from maltreatment, and learn to change their behavior. Many participants believe that the courts do not sufficiently punish parents who maltreat their children. In their assessments of the quality of professional work, the highest evaluations are given to services provided by physicians and social workers, whereas the lowest evaluations are given to judges and police. Most of the participants (70%) believed that social workers play an important role in protecting children.

Conclusions

The survey findings have implications for enhancing public awareness of child maltreatment as well for policy making in the area of child abuse and neglect. The differences in the perceptions of participants based on their religious, cultural and economic background toward child maltreatment should be further studied and addressed in policy and interventions in this area.     

Labor Union Political Strategy in an Era of Decline and Revitalization

U.S. labor unions faced sharp membership losses over the last few decades, and some responded by ushering in a new, revitalized model of organizing. Yet we know little about how these forces may be shaping the political activities of the labor movement. Has crisis prompted unions to take aim at public policies inhibiting union vitality, or have unions turned outward to embrace broader social causes? This paper uses an original dataset of union appearances in congressional hearings to analyze unions’ legislative advocacy activities. Findings suggest substantial differences between those unions that are likely to appear in hearings on core labor‐related topics and those that appear in hearings on broad social issues: AFL‐CIO unions are more likely to participate in hearings on core labor issues, while unions commonly cited as “revitalized” and public sector unions are more likely to appear in hearings on broad social issues.     

Adoption of an Outdoor Residential Hall Smoking Policy in a California Public University: A Case Study

Abstract

Objective: Because secondhand smoke is a public health concern, many colleges have adopted bans to ensure healthier environments. This study demonstrates how outdoor smoking policy change can be accomplished at a large public university. Participants: The participants were 1,537 students housed in residential communities at the University of California, Berkeley, who completed an online survey. Methods: A proposal for smoke-free residential communities that included student resident survey data was prepared. Results: The survey data indicated that most students (77%) were bothered by secondhand smoke, and most (66%) favored smoke-free environments. The data were used to advocate for a change in the residential community smoking policy. Conclusion: The survey data and institutional comparisons played a key role in administrators’ decision-making about campus smoking policy. Despite administrators’ concerns about students’ safety and freedom of choice, student-led advocacy was able to influence policy change.     

Historical Analysis of the Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997

Congress enacted the Adoption and Safe Families Act (ASFA) in 1997 in an attempt to provide safety, stability, and permanency for maltreated children. To help provide a historical context, child welfare legislation preceding ASFA is reviewed. In this historical analysis, the precipitating events that led to the creation of ASFA are assessed. In addition, a detailed review of congressional hearings related to this Act is given. The key components and goals of this policy are outlined. Finally, revisions made to ASFA are discussed, and its influence on proceeding legislation is presented.     

A Study on Dialogic Communication,Trust, and Distrust: Testing a Scale for Measuring Organization–Public Dialogic Communication (OPDC)

Although there is a wide range of discussion on dialogic communication, or dialogue, in the field of public relations, little research has dealt with the empirical measurement of organization–public dialogue. The primary purpose of this study was to test the proposed scale for measuring organization–public dialogic communication (OPDC). Additionally, this study aimed to demonstrate the link between dialogic communication and trust/distrust between organizations studied and their publics. For the research purpose, two anonymous online surveys were used to collect the data. The participants were American consumers randomly selected from a representative research panel of online survey participants (N = 704). According to the results, the proposed 2-factor, 28-item scale of OPDC was valid and reliable. Also, for further empirical validation, this study found that the proposed scale of OPDC is significantly related to public trust and distrust. Given the scarcity of the empirical research on OPDC, the results of this study can contribute to further research in communication management.     

Beyond Public Opinion Polls: Punitive Public Sentiment & Criminal Justice Policy

The punitive turn in criminal justice policy, epitomized by policies like three-strikes, truth in sentencing, and mandatory minimums, is often attributed in part to demand for harsher criminal justice responses from an increasingly punitive public. It has been argued that public opinion, known to be both largely uninformed and often misunderstood, might both indirectly and directly affect policy. This survey article on punitiveness in public opinion opens with a discussion of competing depictions of the nature of the relationship between a punitive public and increasingly punitive criminal justice policies. The article then focuses on some of the most influential explanations for variations in punitiveness within individuals and across groups. A review of what we know about public attitudes toward punishment and a brief explanation of how we know what we know (e.g. the methodologies by which we gauge public opinion) follow. The article concludes with the observation that as methodologies continue to improve and the literature in this area continues to grow, so too does our understanding of punitive public opinion in all of its complexity.     

The use of sociograms to explore collaboration in child protection conferences

The Strengthening Families child protection conference model attempts to empower parents' participation in conferences and to enhance collaboration between conference participants. This paper, which is part of a broader study looking at the implementation of the Strengthening Families model across a county council in England, UK, explored the use of ‘power’ and ‘mutual interaction’ in both traditional and Strengthening Families child protection conferences. Data was collected using sociograms which were recorded during observations of the two types of conferences. Sociograms were analysed in order to identify patterns in terms of ‘power’ and ‘communication’ together with the use of the ‘group cohesion index’ which enabled us to draw conclusions about the degree of interaction between conference participants.Findings indicated a difference between the use of power in traditional and Strengthening Families conferences. In traditional conferences the power was mostly static (held by the chair), and in the Strengthening Families conferences power was shifted from the leader of the collaboration (chair) to the people who administer the collaboration (conference participants). Also, in the Strengthening Families model more interaction between conference participants and better group coherence were evident; however, in both types of conference communication was limited between the professionals. Sociograms proved a useful method for exploring group dynamics in the context of child protection conferences. It is suggested that a broader understanding of the underpinning principles of the Strengthening Families model is needed to successfully empower parents' participation in conferences and to enhance collaboration between conference participants.     

Public Discourses About International Students

A growing, English‐language literature analyzes the public discourse of international education and students. One large set of studies highlight the discursive marginalization of non‐western, international students in western, host societies. They draw on critical discourse analysis (CDA) and meta‐narratives of western, White, and elite dominance, which diminish the theoretical importance of discourse in non‐western and non‐elite settings. A second, smaller set of studies analyze the public discourse of international education in non‐western, specifically Asian, countries; they generally reference educational discourse in both Asian and western countries. Relatively few studies critically examine patterns of discursive domination in Asian discourse; but the ones that do so compare both Asian and Western countries. Even rarer are studies of social media discourse among international students. We find a few studies of social media discourse among Asian students who studied abroad, but none of foreign students studying in host, Asian countries. Attention to multiple discourses and theoretical narratives offers a fruitful, research agenda and underlines the complex, dynamic, global nature of contemporary public discourse on international education.     

Practitioner Roles,Public Relations Education,and Professional Socialization: An Exploratory Study

This study builds on the body of literature about public relations practitioner roles by examining the relationship of workplace socialization and formal public relations education to idealized practitioner roles. Data come from an exploratory survey of public relations students and practitioners. As in several previous studies, two main practitioner roles were identified, corresponding to the communication manager and communication technician roles. Formal public relations education was associated with the manager role type, but professional socialization in the workplace was not.     

Moral Reasoning in Interactional Context: Strategic Uses of Care and Justice Arguments in Mediation Hearings*

Previous studies of moral reasoning have treated moral reasoning as a product of the individual. This article extends the study of moral reasoning by analyzing its use in strategic interaction. I analyze how participants in a naturally occurring situation of conflict use moral arguments strategically and negotiate over the types of arguments that are acceptable. Gilligan's Care and Justice modes of moral reasoning are identified in participants' justifications for positions taken in nine videotaped mediation hearings. I found that participants may use both modes of reasoning during the course of a hearing, and that the type of moral argument used is often a response to the actions of other participants. Strategic uses of moral arguments included shifting mode to challenge or support another's position, bridging a difference in mode between two disputants, and shifting mode to refocus the topic. Because of their institutional and interactional roles in the hearings, mediators play a major role in negotiations over mode of moral reasoning.     

Public Relations Roles and Media Choice

A national survey of Public Relations Society of America members (n = 267) was conducted to examine the relationship between public relations roles and media choice based on the integration of public relations theory and media richness theory. Respondents were identified as either public relations managers or technicians using confirmatory factor analysis, corroborating previous research. Managers reported spending more time in oral communication than technicians, whereas technicians spend more time using written communication. E-mail use in public relations and related communities is discussed, and areas for future research on new media and media choices in public relations are explored.     

Who is accessing family mental health programs? Demographic differences before and after system reform

Childhood mental health disorders are on the rise in the United States. To ensure equitable access to care, it is important to examine the characteristics of children and families who access services. This study compares the demographic characteristics of two samples of families who participated in National Institute of Mental Health-funded studies of a Multiple Family Group model, entitled the 4Rs and 2Ss Multiple Family Group (4Rs and 2Ss) in New York City. One sample is currently receiving services, and the other received services a decade ago. Significant differences in demographic characteristics were found between the two samples pertaining to child race, child nativity, caregiver age, primary caregiver, caregiver marital status, caregiver race, caregiver education, caregiver employment, and family income. Families currently engaging in the public mental health service system are primarily White, and are less disadvantaged than families a decade ago. These differences are examined in light of changing policy and epidemiological trends, and potential unintended consequences are discussed.