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1.
J'analyse, dans cet article, la structure de la classe capitaliste canadienne. Pour ce faire, je compare le réseau de liens entre les conseils d'administration des 256 corporations canadiennes les plus grandes, à ceux existant aux Etats-Unis et dans neuf pays d'Europe. J'arrive à la conclusion que le degré de fragmentation du réseau canadien n'est pas inhabituel, et que les clivages entre capital industriel et financier, ou entre capital domestique et étranger ne sont pas particulièrement prononcés. Qui plus est, le capital industriel n'est ni subordonné ni périphérique au capital financier. Le réseau canadien ressemble beaucoup à ceux de plusieurs pays européens, dont l'Allemagne et la France, à propos desquels on ne peut pas avancer d'explication en termes de dépendance ou de sous-développement. La fragmentation des réseaux amérieain et britannique, par contre, est nettement plus élevée.
This paper assesses claims about the character of Canadian capitalist class by comparing the network of interlocking directorates among the largest 256 Canadian corporations to the corresponding networks in the U.S. and nine European nations. The analysis indicates that the Canadian inter-corporate network is not unusually fragmented, that there are no pronounced cleavages between industrial and financial capital or between foreign and domestic capital, and that industrial capital is neither subordinated nor peripheral to finance. The Canadian network is quite similar to the networks of a number of European nations, such as Germany and France, about which it is impossible to advance arguments about dependency and underdevelopment. In comparison, the networks of the U.S. and Britain are unusually fragmented.  相似文献   

2.
La loi des enquCtes en matiere de differends industriels est l'une des premieres interventions de 1'Etat en matiere de relations industrielles. En tant que systeme de relations industrielles, elle nous permet d'ktudier le r81e de 1'Etat dans la reproduction de forces de production antagoniques. L'Ctude de cette loi dans le present article a pour but d'identifier I'effet de l'intervention etatique sur un grand nombre de conflits industriels. I1 se trouve que l'intervention de 1'Etat a un effet significatif sur la reproduction des relations sociales au lieu de production ce qui n'est pas sans consequence pour la construction d'une thkorie satisfaisante de 1'Etat canadien. En s'engageant dans la conciliation industrielle, 1'Etat a change a la fois le resultat des luttes et ses propres relations avec les travailleurs, d'une facon et dans des directions qui echappent i la theorie contemporaine de I'Etat.
The study of industrial relations systems permits at the same time, an examination of the role of the state in reproducing antagonistic production relations. This paper examines, one of the earliest state initiatives in industrial relations, the Canadian Industrial Disputes Investigation Act, in order to ascertain the effects of interventionism in a large number of industrial conflicts. State involvement appears to significantly affect the reproduction of social relationships at the point of production, which in turn has important implications for an adequate theory of the Canadian state. The involvement of the state in industrial conciliation materially altered the outcome of disputes and the relationships between Canadian labour and the state in directions unpredicted by contemporary state theory.  相似文献   

3.
Despite a growing body of research on attitudes towards unions in the U.S. and, to a lesser extent Britain, surprisingly little is known about this topic in Canada. We attempt to fill this gap by examining data from a survey of 736 randomly selected residents of the western Canadian cities of Winnipeg and Edmonton. We find a high degree of latent unionism among non-unionized labor force members: 40 percent would join a union if one existed in their workplace. Union attitudes are better predictors of willingness to join than are demographic and socioeconomic variables, although we can predict instrumental beliefs about unions with some accuracy using such objective measures. This article is based on a paper presented at the Canadian Industrial Relations Association annual meeting, June 1983, in Vancouver, British Columbia. We gratefully acknowledge the assistance of the Population Research Laboratory at the University of Alberta and its Director, Professor L. W. Kennedy, in making available results of the 1981 Edmonton and Winnipeg Area Studies. We also thank Val Caskey for typing services. Helpful comments on an earlier draft were provided by an anonymous reviewer.  相似文献   

4.
《Social Networks》1995,17(2):111-127
Earlier work has examined corporate control, enterprise structure, and horizontal concentration within the Canadian economy (Berkowitz et al., 1978/1979). Moderately little change was observed in the number of firms and mappings of firms to standard industrial classification areas during the 15 year period in question. There was a considerable decrease in the number of both single-firm and multiple-firm enterprises over this time period. Mean and median enterprise size (number of firms) has increased, while horizontal integration and therefore (as they have traditionally been calculated) conventional measures of corporate concentration within industrial areas, have remained substantially unchanged except in the case of a few marginal industries. The Gini indices of the number of firms mapped to enterprises are substantially the same for the two years measured. There was, however, considerable significant and economically important change in the Canadian corporate system. This change was entirely structural and involved a considerable reduction in the number, and an increase in the strategic importance of, enterprises.  相似文献   

5.
Canadian law protects people from discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation, but our public schools do not fulfill their ethical and legal obligations where sexual and gender minority youth are concerned. This article reports on a national survey study on homophobia and transphobia in Canadian high schools. Participants (n = 3,607) were questioned about school climate, harassment, school attachment, and institutional interventions. We found that schools were neither safe nor respectful for sexual and gender minority students, and we argue that ongoing exposure to this situation undermines students' respect for the Charter of Rights and their faith in adults.  相似文献   

6.
Socio-economic status has been shown to be significantly related to both problem gambling and mental health problems. Additionally, forms of psychopathology such as mood and anxiety disorders have been shown to correlate with problem gambling across a variety of settings. However, relatively little research has been conducted examining whether the connection between mood and anxiety disorders and problem gambling is consistent across different levels of socio-economic status. This study examines gambling-related problems among a representative sample of Canadian adults using the 2008 Canadian Community Health Survey (N = 28,271). Generalized linear modelling is used to analyze the data. A moderation effect is found that shows the relationship between anxiety disorders and problem gambling severity varies significantly across socio-economic status. This study shows that social setting has an important influence on the assumed relationship between psychopathology and gambling problems that is downplayed in current problem gambling research. A discussion of the need for greater inclusion of socio-economic context when making assumptions about the connections between problem gambling and psychiatric disorders is made in light of the responsibilities of gambling providers and regulators.  相似文献   

7.
This paper seeks to address the relationship between acceptance of land use policies and differing understandings of place. Drawing on literature about technologies of the imagination and literature about infrastructure, it suggests that a synthesis of certain aspects of these two theoretical orientations produces a model that can be used to conceptually as well as practically explain the acceptance or rejection of policies. Technologies of the imagination here refer to phenomenon whose outcomes are not fully conditioned, and infrastructure acts as the underlying framework on which these technologies operate. This paper explores this relationship via a comparative case study: former Canadian federal government policy speeches; historical and contemporary popular portrayals of the ‘North’; and contemporary lived Inuit experiences at a Canadian mine site. The imaginings of space are very different between the two publics that are exposed to them: the Canadian southern audience and the Inuit northern audience. This paper proposes that this disparity and policy complex is best understood as a system that works on technologies and infrastructures as creating and being constituted by imagination. This framework explains how the gap between southern policies and northern priorities persists, and why it will continue to persist in the current political system.  相似文献   

8.
This article examines the academic job market for Canadian sociology through its PhD exchange network. Using an original data set of employed faculty members in 2015 (N = 1,157), I map the hiring relationships between institutions and analyze the observed network structure. My findings show that institutional prestige is a likely organizing force within this network, reflective of a disproportionate number of faculty coming from a few centralized high‐status institutions, as well as predominantly downward flows in hiring patterns. However, further investigation is needed to understand the role of prestige in Canadian higher education, which has been previously characterized as having a flat social structure. This requires attention toward the interrelationships between institutional prestige, scholarly competence, and department size situated within a segmented academic field in Canada. Overall, this study aims to encourage collective self‐reflection and motivate discourse about status‐based inequalities in our own discipline.  相似文献   

9.
《Journal of Socio》1995,24(1):229-251
This article offers a theoretical framework for understanding the Canadian energy policy of the last two decades. Starting with a review of the Canadian literature on the topic, the article reviews the main constitutional features of Canadian federalism, which attributes complementary powers to both the central government and the energy-producing provinces, in this strategic area of economic activity. He suggests that major changes in the international environment and new domestic determinants, such as the aboriginal issue, brought about a breakdown of Canada's traditional equilibrium between national and provincial jurisdictions. The article also discusses the main implications of the North American Free Trade Agreement since its implementation in 1989, concluding that a thorough process of “globalization” of the energy market is well under way between Canada and the United States.  相似文献   

10.
This article examines the East Timor Alert Network's (ETAN) claims-making strategies regarding support for human rights and self-determination of East Timor during the Indonesian occupation from 1975–1998. This research seeks to understand how ETAN attempted to persuade Canadians to care about a geographically distant horror. I examine various claims-making strategies that ETAN used to encourage Canadian audiences to evaluate the problem as an object of public concern, the Timorese as victims deserving of their sympathy, and Canadian government as condemnation-worthy.  相似文献   

11.
This paper: (1) reports the findings of a 1991 survey of the values and beliefs of U.S. IR scholars and compares these to the findings of a Canadian survey conducted a year earlier and (2) examines the structure, covariates, and construct validity of a scale measuring ideology developed from the Canadian data and incorporated in the U.S. survey. It finds U.S. scholars in general to be slightly more conservative than their Canadian counterparts. However, as in Canada, they evince considerable support for enhanced legal rights and protections for workers, while at the same time supporting the cooperativist schemes associated with the progressive HRM paradigm. This suggests aquid pro quo of sorts: that if workers are to undergo the sacrifices associated with these schemes (e.g., reduced rights under the collective agreement), they should be provided with increased rights under the law. Finally, the measure of ideology developed from the Canadian data is replicated by the U.S. survey; its covariates are also similar; and it conforms to a number of construct validity criteria. I thank Martin Morand and Jack Fiorito for comments on an earlier draft of this paper. Liz Campbell and Peter Stoyko provided research assistance.  相似文献   

12.
This paper expresses econometric qualms about Bordo and Jonung's [1981] analysis of long-run velocity. They did not recognize that, for U.S. and Canadian data, the log of velocity has a unit root. Hence, estimation of a log level regression may produce spurious regressions.
When Bordo and Jonung's velocity equation is reestimated in rate of change form, permanent income is significant, contrary to their earlier conclusion. Moreover, using this approach gives a stronger result for one of the institutional variables in the velocity function, in the sense that the remaining variables become more significant.  相似文献   

13.
This article examines the process of rebuilding institutional trust in the Canadian blood system in the aftermath of the tainted blood scandal. Our focus is the policy of lifetime deferral from donating blood for men who have sex with men. Drawing on findings from interviews with representatives of Health Canada's Expert Advisory Committee on Blood Regulation, the National Liaison Committee, Canadian Blood Services, and blood consumer groups, we demonstrate how claims making about rights, discrimination, science, and risk contribute to policy continuity. We also examine the link between policy continuity and the management of reputational risk.  相似文献   

14.
This article provides a critical assessment of the adequacy of Canada's statistical sources on immigration and emigration for both scientific study and policy needs. These data collection systems are discussed: 1) registration systems, 2) the census, and 3) administrative records and surveys. The authors conclude that Canadian migration data systems have both strengths and weaknesses. The following are some of these strengths. 1) The census is a unique source of consistent, up-to-date information on the immigrant stock. 2) Surveys provide insights on attitudes towards immigrants. 3) Citizenship data tell how many immigrants have acquired Canadian citizenship. 4) When data gaps were noticed, special efforts were made to fill them. The following are some of the data systems' weaknesses. 1) The most significant weakness is the absence of data on the characteristics of emigrants and their destination. 2) Information on returning residents is limited. 3) Undocumented immigrants defy documentation and very little is known on this group. 4) There are only skimpy data on refugee claimants. 5) There are few analyses of the differential fertility, mortality, and nuptiality patterns of the immigrants and the Canadian born. 6) The rate of return of immigrants is unknown. 7) The number of Canadian students abroad and their field of study is unknown. 8) Information on change of status and enforcement is limited. 9) The de facto population of Canada is unknown since Statistics Canada enumerates and estimates only the de jure population. 10) Lack of coordination among the multiple agencies that collect data is a major weakness; data are often unavailable in the form in which, or time when, it is required.  相似文献   

15.
Nous examinons la thèse de Ronald Inglehart selon laquelle le postmatérialisme est un phénomène politique universel qui concerne toute société industrialisée avancée. Après avoir introduit une distinction entre systèmes politiques réactifs et non réactifs, nous proposons que, dans les systèmes réactifs, le clivage matérialiste s'est enracinéà un tel point qu'il triomphait encore du postmatérialisme. Par contre, le postmatérialisme a réussi à se démarquer dans les systèmes non réactifs, ceux où le clivage matérialiste avait toujours été plus faible. Nous soutenons que les données tirées des sondages nationaux tenus lors des élections canadiennes de 1984 et 1997 confirment notre hypothèse sur les effets des systèmes non réactifs. Bien que le Canada soit l'objet principal de notre analyse, dans la conclusion nous nous penchons sur des facteurs qui pourraient expliquer les différences dans le postmatérialisme aux niveaux provincial et international. This article disputes Inglehart's claim that postmaterialism is a uniform political phenomenon that transcends differences between advanced industrial societies. We distinguish responsive from unresponsive political systems and argue that, in responsive systems, the materialist cleavage became so deeply entrenched that postmaterialism could not vie for dominance. In contrast, postmaterialism has become more salient than materialism in unresponsive systems, where the materialist cleavage was weaker to begin with. We argue that data from the Canadian National Election Surveys of 1984 and 1997 are consistent with our prediction about the effect of unresponsiveness. Differences within the Canadian electorate became weaker for materialist issues but more pronounced for postmate‐rialist issues between 1984 and 1997. Although our empirical analysis focusses on Canada, we conclude by speculating about the causes of cross‐provincial and cross‐national variations in postmaterialism.  相似文献   

16.
This case study focused on the steps taken by a Canadian city bordering the United States to manage the commercial sex component of an adult entertainment package that draws many American visitors. It explored how the city dealt with the potential of community stigmatization resulting from its growing reputation as a place for easily accessible sex trade. The distinctive Canadian laws related to the sex industry, the predominantly laissez-faire attitude toward people's sex lives, and concerns about maintaining the atmosphere of safety and privacy protection preferred by many residents set boundaries to the approach that could be taken. The specific historical, geographic, social, and political location of the city figured prominently in its choice of a normalization rather than a spatialization strategy.  相似文献   

17.
Chinese Canadian youth are usually represented as a model minority and are therefore rendered invisible in identity debates. Drawing on Bourdieu's concepts of capital, field, habitus, and distinction, this paper examines how racism affects the identity construction of Chinese youth in different school fields. Particularly, I raise and discuss a theoretical concept, racialized habitus, which is manifested as both intergroup exclusion and intragroup distinction. This theorization is grounded in interview data with 36 first- and second-generation Chinese Canadian youth in Alberta, Canada. This study indicates the continuing significance of research on racism. It calls for challenging racism as an act of distinction, habitus, and action, as well as a discursive practice of discourse.  相似文献   

18.
Informed by institutional ethnography approaches, this study includes interviews with 3 young transmen (21–29) about their experiences regarding Canadian health care and the work they perform to access care. Semistructured interviews were used to gather data that were then analyzed to identify key aspects of participants’ experiences and perceptions. Findings describe the extra work transmen perform to compensate for a lack of provider competence in transgender health care. Influences of the dominant gender binary ideology as it shapes the health care experiences of transmen are discussed. This article calls for social workers to challenge the gender binary and use practice frameworks informed by transgender theory.  相似文献   

19.
Recognition of the multi-cultural nature of the Canadian population has led companies across a wide array of business domains to reach beyond their traditional bases of support to focus on hitherto untapped communities as potential markets for their goods and services. Competitive conditions within the voluntary sector have pushed nonprofits along this same path. However, no systematic Canadian research reports on the attitudes, social norms, benefits sought, expectations, opportunities, experiences, or behaviors of sub-communities in the voluntary sector. This paper examines philanthropic behavior by religion using data from the Statistics Canada 2000 National Survey of Giving, Volunteering and Participating. The paper compares and contrasts the voluntary and philanthropic behaviors of the Canadian population across religious groups; compares and contrasts the motivations for and perceived impediments against such behaviors; and articulates and examines a model that traces the influence of religion on voluntary and philanthropic behavior in Canada’s multi-cultural society.  相似文献   

20.
Using data drawn from the 2000 US and the 2001 Canadian Censuses, this paper analyzes the onward emigration of Canadian immigrants to the US between 1995 and 2000. The characteristics of an estimated 48,336 Canadian immigrants who made an onward emigration from Canada to the United States are examined. This paper also seeks to determine whether onward foreign‐born emigrants are representative of immigrants in Canada and Canadian‐born emigrants to the US. Results indicate that onward emigrants are primarily young, married, possess a bachelor's degree, earn incomes of $100,000 US or greater, and reside in large immigrant‐receiving states and metropolitan areas.  相似文献   

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