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Objective. The goal of the study is to empirically assess the extent of partisan and incumbent gerrymandering in the 2000 congressional redistricting. Critics of congressional redistricting have argued that recent partisan gerrymandering severely undermines electoral competitiveness to the point of violating constitutional equal protection standards. Method. We first analyze the legal precedents and arguments central to the contemporary redistricting debate. We then analyze district‐level data measuring the change in a congressional incumbent's presidential party vote share before and after the 2000 redistricting. We conduct regression analyses that test for partisan and incumbent gerrymandering effects with an eye toward noting implications for the Voting Rights Act, particularly majority‐minority districting. Results. We find that recent redistricting significantly contributed to a further decline in electoral competitiveness; however, most of this decline in competitiveness came through incumbency protection, not partisan gerrymandering. Majority‐minority districts lost about 5 percent incumbent party vote share, though only 3 percent in southern states. Conclusion. Given these results, we conclude that the logic of partisan gerrymandering is at variance with the mandate of racial redistricting. One effect of establishing a strict judicial standard limiting statewide partisan biases would be to restrict states' capacity to draw majority‐minority districts. 相似文献
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Objective. Beginning with the 1993 election, Canada's Progressive Conservative Party was replaced as the dominant force on the political right by the more ideological Reform Party/Canadian Alliance. This article examines what specific issues most centrally motivated this seismic shift among conservative Canadians. Method. Using data from the 1993, 1997, and 2000 Canadian Election Studies, we employ bivariate analyses and multinomial logit voting models to determine whether constitutional, economic, nativist, or moral issues most clearly differentiate PC supporters from R/A voters. Results. Regional concerns are important and other issues have sporadic impacts, but moral traditionalism is the most consistent and powerful factor distinguishing supporters of the new party from supporters of the old one. Conclusions. Although existing studies have focused primarily on other sources of R/A support, moral traditionalism is clearly a key factor in explaining the party's ascendancy. This phenomenon, we contend, is part of a larger trend toward postmaterial politics in Western democracies. 相似文献
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Objectives . Political science long ignored the actual mechanics of voting—until the 2000 presidential contest. This research note offers a systematic empirical inquiry into the potential effects of various voting methods and electorate–specific variables on the rate at which citizens register a preference via the act of voting. Methods . Voting methods were analyzed in relation to the rate of undervotes recorded in Georgia's 159 counties during the 2000 general election using a set of multivariate models. Results . Lever machines and fill in the oval optical scan ballots are associated with lower rates of undervoting. Counties with large numbers of new registrants, lower education levels, and a higher proportion of African–American voters were found to have higher error rates. Conclusions . The results of this study provide strong evidence that voting methods and ballot types, as well as electorate–specific characteristics, are key factors in determining the error rate associated with the process of voting at the county level. 相似文献
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Summary In 1965 it was already the practice of this juvenile court torequire the preparation of pretrial social inquiry reports.The study examined the effects of particular types of information,including the probation officers' advice, on the court's disposaldecisions. For the majority of cases the Bench and the probationofficers, in terms of their advice in the social inquiry reports,agreed on the disposal that was obviously themost suitable for a particular offender, while in a substantialminority of cases the Bench deferred to the adviceoffered and rejected the advice in less than 10% of cases. Themagistrates indicated that the offenders' home background, followedby the seriousness of their offences, were the two most importantfactors they took into account in arriving at their disposaldecisions. In spite of the close agreement between the magistratesand the probation officers on the most suitable disposals forparticular offenders, the effectiveness of the disposals, measuredby the proportions of offenders reconvicted during the fiveyears following the disposals, was no better than expected.The statistical association between the measure of the offenders'home background (based mainly on the content of the social inquiryreport) and the likelihood of reconviction was low enough toquestion the relevance of this kind of information for the selectionof effective juvenile court disposals. 相似文献
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Yang Lianfen 《Social Sciences in China》2013,34(1):71-91
五四新女性是在学校这一现代教育平台由新文化启蒙话语塑造而成, 她们的意识 形态认同来自新文化, 是以个人主义为核心的正义伦理; 而她们的性别认同及相应 的关怀伦理, 却使其对“旧道德”下的女性同类有更多同情。为实现个人权利、维护神 圣恋爱, 她们“忽略”名分、委屈尊严, 在新旧道德的模糊地带与有妇之夫结成特殊婚 姻。而非正常婚姻关系的缺憾, 爱情中隐含的性别等级, 个人自由与关怀伦理的对立 与冲突等, 都导致她们陷入认同危机。新女性身份认同的困境, 体现了“五四”正义伦 理的道德局限, 而五四文学表达的某种匮乏, 亦源自这个局限。 关键词: 五四文学 新女性 身份认同 正义伦理 关怀伦理 The new women of the May Fourth Movement were molded by the enlightenment discourse of the new culture in universities. The ideological identity they acquired from the new culture was an individualist ethics of justice. Their gender identity and the corresponding ethics of care, however, stirred their sympathy for other women shackled by the “old ethics.” To realize their human rights and maintain the sacredness of love, the new women were even prepared to “overlook” their social status and sacrifice their dignity to enter into special marriages with married men at the ambiguous interface of the old and the new ethics; but the shortcomings of an abnormal marriage, the gender hierarchy concealed behind love, and the antagonism and conflict between individual freedom and their ethics of care for others plunged these women into an identity crisis. Their identity dilemma reflects the moral limits of the justice ethic of the May Fourth new culture, limits that also account for a kind of deficiency in expression in May Fourth literature. 相似文献
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杨联芬 《Social Sciences in China》2012,(1):71-91
五四新女性是在学校这一现代教育平台由新文化启蒙话语塑造而成,她们的意识形态认同来自新文化,是以个人主义为核心的正义伦理;而她们的性别认同及相应的关怀伦理,却使其对“旧道德”下的女性同类有更多同情。为实现个人权利、维护神圣恋爱,她们“忽略”名分、委屈尊严,在新旧道德的模糊地带与有妇之夫结成特殊婚姻。而非正常婚姻关系的缺憾,爱情中隐含的性别等级,个人自由与关怀伦理的对立与冲突等,都导致她们陷入认同危机。新女性身份认同的困境,体现了“五四”正义伦理的道德局限,而五四文学表达的某种匮乏,亦源自这个局限。 相似文献
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A number of classical as well as quite new utility representations for gains are explored with the aim of understanding the behavioral conditions that are necessary and sufficient for various subfamilies of successively stronger representations to hold. Among the utility representations are: ranked additive, weighted, rank-dependent (which includes cumulative prospect theory as a special case), gains decomposition, subjective expected, and independent increments*, where * denotes something new in this article. Among the key behavioral conditions are: idempotence, general event commutativity*, coalescing, gains decomposition, and component summing*. The structure of relations is sufficiently simple that certain key experiments are able to exclude entire classes of representations. For example, the class of rank-dependent utility models is very likely excluded because of empirical results about the failure of coalescing. Figures 1–3 summarize some of the primary results.JEL Classification D46, D81 相似文献
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Phillip A. Swain 《The Australian journal of social issues》1984,19(4):292-299
In this article the author examines the concept of permanency planning, and the development of that concept in child welfare practice in Australia and overseas. The Paper examines the philosophical and ethical dilemmas associated with the concept, given the often-competing rights of parent and child. 相似文献
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The history of the American West is intimately tied to the movement and management of water. As the West developed, so too did the image of rural Westerners. As stressors like climate change and population growth strain existing water supplies, resource management benefits from understanding whether fundamental differences exist between the residents in the Old (rural) West and the New (urban) West. Using a survey conducted in the spring of 2010 of Oregon residents, this study explores whether residents in Oregon show distinct differences in environmental concern based on rural or urban residency. The results show that there are differences between groups on environmental beliefs, but likely attributed to factors other than rural and urban residency, and there are no significant differences between groups on water. 相似文献
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Scott R. Meinke 《Social science quarterly》2009,90(4):854-867
Objectives. This article explores how House members relate their involvement in partisan Washington activity to constituency representation. Methods. Building on Fenno's familiar conception of home style, I argue that certain House members have an incentive to develop a partisan home style that emphasizes party activity in Washington. I examine this relationship by studying the extended party leadership (party committees and whip networks), looking for connections between member/constituency characteristics and extended leaders' choices to advertise partisan leadership activity on their official websites. Logit models are used to test for relationships between these variables. Results. Members vary widely in whether and how they communicate their partisan activity, with constituency factors, career stage, and majority party status all affecting the choice. Conclusions. House members make strategic choices about incorporating partisan Washington activity into their home style. 相似文献
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边境工业化:“两廊一圈”的困境与出路 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:1
针对中越边境出现的逆工业化与“工业低谷”现象,文章运用实地资料及数量方法,实证分析“两廊一圈”工业发展的现状、成因与发展困境,提出通过跨境梯度开发、壮大特产加工、鼓励高新技术等推进边境工业化的可能发展路向。 相似文献
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2012年9月以前,想要去趟桓仁是件挺打憷的事儿。坐火车,没有;走高速,也没有;只好靠汽车跑山路。那时去桓仁无论是走201国道,还是走木通线县级公路,都得翻山越岭绕来绕去的把人整迷糊,费时间不说,遭罪呀。三年前,国家重点项目丹通高速公路永桓高速公路和通灌铁路先后开工建 相似文献
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在老龄化进程中,老年妇女问题在老年问题中慢慢凸显,她们承受着性别与年龄的双重歧视,生活质量普遍比男性老人低。笔者拟从社会工作和社会性别视角来分析老年女性个案工作的方法与技巧,以帮助老年女性树立新的希望,得到更多的支持和理解。充分享受晚年生活。 相似文献
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中国传统文化所表明的自我关怀的本质是宗法、集体、藏私、拟人等为其属性.而宗法是自我关怀之本;集体是自我关怀之貌;藏私是自我关怀之质;拟人是自我关怀之伪,但这种关怀不是真正意义上的人学.它的出发点不是完整的人;它的关怀方式流于不实;它的关怀结果与原违.西方形而上学的关怀则是以存在为基础的个体与自由.自由是关怀的出发点;存在是关怀的基础;个体是关怀的轴心;裸猿是关怀的迷失.新的形而上学应充分吸收二者的特长,以适应全球化和现代化的现实. 相似文献
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Marshall C. Eakin 《Social history》2013,38(2):287-289
John K. Brackett, Criminal Justice and Crime in Late Renaissance Florence, 1537–1609 (1992), ix + 160 (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, £24.95). Beverley Lemire, Fashion's Favourite. The Cotton Trade and the Consumer in Britain, 1660–1800 (1992), xii + 244 (Oxford University Press, Oxford, £30.00). Bridget Hill, The Republican Virago. The Life and Times of Catherine Macaulay, Historian (1992), xiv + 263 (Clarendon Press, Oxford, £30.00). Charles F. Foster, Four Cheshire Townships in the 18th Century: Arley, Appleton, Stockton Heath and Great Budworth (1992), 88 (Arley Hall Place, Northwich, Cheshire, £6.95). Marianne McLean, The People of Glengarry. Highlanders in Transition, 1745–1820 (1991), xxiv + 285 (McGill‐Queen's University Press, £29.95). David Turley, The Culture of English Antislavery, 1780–1860 (1991), xii + 284 (Routledge, £35.00). Pauline M. H. Mazumdar, Eugenics, Human Genetics and Human Failures. The Eugenics Society, Its Sources and Its Critics in Britain (1992), x + 373 (Routledge, £40.00). Richard Vogler, Reading the Riot Act. The Magistracy, the Police and the Army in Civil Disorder (1991), xii + 206 (Open University Press, Milton Keynes, £32.50, paperback £14.99). 相似文献
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Making welfare work: UK activation policies under New Labour 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
This paper describes and briefly evaluates the major "New Deal" activation policies introduced by the UK New Labour government since 1997. It outlines the ambitious project to modernize the UK economy and welfare state and, within this overall strategy, to end child poverty and to tackle social exclusion by encouraging movement from welfare benefits into work, and by making work pay. Three sets of New Deal programmes are discussed: those targeted on unemployed claimants, lone parents and people with disabilities. The paper concludes that real change has been achieved with measurable beneficial effects but that there are threats to the further elaboration and extension of the New Deal model. 相似文献