修身、成圣与革命：五四时期道德主义者的激进化

五四运动后“救亡”与“启蒙”、“政治”与“文化”的交织与竞逐是我们理解中国近代史的一条线索。既有研究多将恽代英呈现为一个具有道德主义色彩和儒家伦理底蕴的五四知识分子，然而顺着这一思路，我们却难以理解他为何从温和的道德结社转向革命。本文认为，恽代英精神世界中的心学底色，以及他对青年会社会服务经验的借鉴，使他形成了与共产主义者相通的道德认知；道德结社的困境则促使他走向政党运动，以群众运动实践自己的道德理想。恽代英的早期经历为我们呈现了过渡时代具有儒学底蕴的知识分子面对现代政治秩序时的道德困惑，这有助于我们理解中国共产主义革命对德性的强调以及儒家中国的现代转化。     

Explaining Italian “exceptionalism” and its end: Minimum income from neglect to hyper-politicization

Traditionally at the margins of the political debate, minimum income protection has recently become a key issue in Italian politics. After decades of social and political “neglect” letting Italy the only European country (with Greece) still lacking an anti-poverty minimum income safety net in the 2010s, finally a national programme called Inclusion Income was introduced in 2018, then replaced by a more robustly financed scheme, the Citizenship Income in 2019. The introduction of these new programmes was the object of an intense political debate, which raises two main puzzles. Why a policy field characterized by the low political resources of would be beneficiaries and low incidence on the overall welfare budget has become so important in the political debate? How did it occur in Italy, where minimum income protection had been absent in political discourses for at least five decades after World War II? To answer these questions, this article first elaborates a novel theoretical framework which combines the main properties of socio-political demand and political supply in order to explain the scope and direction of minimum income reforms. Second, it provides an analytically oriented reconstruction of MIS policy trajectory in Italy in the three different phases: the phase of MIS “neglect” (1948–1992) characterized by inertia; the period of political “contentiousness” (1993–2012), marked by attempts of path departure followed by policy reversals; the more recent phase leading to the introduction and institutionalization of a MIS. Third, the article provides a theoretically framed interpretation of the overall MIS trajectory in Italy.     

清代《西湖十景图》的“圣境”展现与空间政治

清代《西湖十景图》呈现与重塑了江山一统下的西湖景观风物，承载着对西湖十景文化意象的传承与认同，昭显了皇权印迹下的景观政治，与帝王的江山统驭密不可分。《西湖十景图》结合传统文人绘画和舆图标识，借明晰的景观呈现融入帝王品味及政治意涵，成为权力展现的另一有效途径。作为各景观文化地标的御书碑亭被置于画面中心显要位置，通过空间展示突出强化风景所具有的权力表征与圣境意义。西湖十景作为一种重要文化意象不仅是文化的“圣境”，更是体现皇权圣意的“圣境”，带有鲜明的皇权统治色彩。     

“公共自信”：“公共自卑”的“天敌”

具有公共性质的自卑心理态势已成为当下社会管理创新的一个瓶颈问题。35年前的“个体自卑”促成了改革开放,现在改革开放又造成了“公共自卑”。这种自卑心理上的螺旋式运行是否是社会的一种常态,还需要进一步的观察和思考。现实是,一方面是人际之间的交往、沟通、理解和支持越来越少;另一方面则是“私性”的认同、私欲的膨胀、私利的猖獗,进而导致了世风日下甚至人心迷乱。对国家来说,“公共自卑”是“国家意识”的一种毒瘤。既然是毒瘤,其内部就势必蕴涵有一种特别和特殊的势能。用好了,可以把“反能量”转化为“正能量”;用不好,则容易把“正能量”转变为“反能量”。十八大报告的“自信说”不仅提出“公共自卑”管理的“公共自信”的方向、方面和方法的思路,而且还提供了一个克服“公共自卑”的心理学上的有力武器。     

与魔搏斗的人：易卜生作品中的个体性危机

本文把易卜生置于北欧-日耳曼的思想谱系中进行解读，认为“个体性”是理解其剧作的关键。易卜生的剧作和克尔凯郭尔的哲学思想有着互文性的关联，他们都认为严格意义上的宗教信仰的前提就是个体性。同时，在尼采看来，当时的欧洲已经进入“群氓的时代”，“个人”岌岌可危。在这个背景下，易卜生塑造的诸多人物都具有“世纪末”的特点，颓废、烦与空虚成为一种普遍的社会心态。个体性的膨胀将带来严重的社会问题，伴随着躁动不安，有时候会转变成最物质化的享乐主义，但更多时候则表现为否定和破坏，甚至是暴力和毁灭。     

Science,policy, and politics in judicial review of regulations

Perhaps the most effective control on the exercise of administration is to subject final decisions to evaluation by a reviewing institution capable of vetoing the initiative or remanding it to the agency for further work. All three branches of government—Congress, the executive branch and the judiciary—perform this review function to some degree, but the judiciary plays a uniquely powerful role in American government. During the last two decades, Congress has vested in regulatory agencies like the environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) broad authority to promulgate standards and regulations to protect citizens from the unintended adverse consequences of a modern industrial society. These powerful agencies must necessarily rely heavily upon scientific data in carrying out their responsibilities. They must interpret scientific studies and draw inferences on the basis of “scientific judgment.”; When the nature of the administrative task is so highly technical in nature, and especially when the agencies are working on the “frontiers of scientific knowledge,”; as they frequently are in scientific rulemaking, the value of review by a court composed of three lawyers with minimal scientific training is open to legitimate discussion. How the courts go about performing their review function in the context of scientific rulemaking is a critical question for American administrative law.     

Children against parents? The politics of intergenerational recalibration in Southern Europe

Traditionally, Southern European countries displayed remarkably elderly biased social policy arrangements. This article introduces the notion of intergenerational recalibration to capture reforms aimed at rebalancing the generational profile of Southern European welfare states via the expansion of family policy and social assistance schemes—both monetary benefits and care services—and retrenchment in the field of pensions. Then, it elaborates theoretically on the political dimension of this policy strategy, focusing on the implications of the peculiar combination of expansionary and retrenchment reforms, to advance the hypotheses that domestic politics would prevent the realization of such an agenda, whereas the latter would be favored by a major role of supranational actors, especially the European Union. To test these hypotheses, we systematically analyze policy trajectories in the field of pensions and social assistance in Italy and Spain between the mid‐1990s and 2016. This allows, first, to argue that investment in “pro‐children” measures has not adequately balanced the reduction of pro‐parents expenditure and, second, to question the idea that domestic political incentives to expand “pro‐children” policies are necessarily too weak as well as the “enabling” role of external pressures in pursuing intergenerational recalibration.     

From fun to fraught: marketing to kids and regulating “risky foods” in Canada

ABSTRACT

In an era of industrialized food production, ultra-processed foods, “Big Food” marketing, and growing obesity rates, food has come to be framed as an object of risk – and as an object of regulation. Such reframing has fascinating implications related to issues of responsibility and decision making, especially when it comes to children’s food. This article probes the relationship between representation, regulation and “risky” consumption with respect to children’s food. I examine how child-targeted foods become framed as “risky” and what counts as “risky” food messaging under Health Canada’s commitment to restrict the marketing of unhealthy foods to children. Detailing the tension between food as a risk object and food as a child object, I suggest how issues of semantic provisioning and the politics of the unseen work to complicate and destabilize the (seemingly) straightforward process of prohibiting unhealthy food marketing to children.     

民主政治:和谐社会的政治基础

从理论或实践上看,民主政治是和谐社会的政治基础。民主政治就是用和谐的方式控制、解决社会矛盾和冲突的制度体系。承认人的主体地位、多元利益和高度的社会流动是民主政治与和谐社会共同的根基。实现利益表达的规范化和制度化是夯实和谐社会政治基础的关键。利益表达的规范化和制度化建设具有完善公共政策、消解社会矛盾、强化政治认同等重大意义。完善人民代表大会制是夯实和谐社会政治基础的根本之策。人民代表大会制度既是社会主义民主政治进一步发展的基本制度资源,也是直接承载法治发展的制度体系。     

Criticism of the Logic of the Ecological Imperialism of “Carbon Politics” and Its Transcendence

Within the framework of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol, international carbon politics inevitably presents itself as the logic or essence of “ecological imperialism,” reflecting a few Western countries’ expansion and development of their historically formed international hierarchical superiority or exclusive hegemony on the basis of their domestic capitalist economies and politics. This is an intrinsic obstacle to creating a more equitable, democratic and effective global climate or environmental governance system. Criticism of international carbon politics and its “ecological imperialism,” based on traditional “green-left” theories from Marxist philosophy and political economy, provides a theoretical basis for seeking an alternative way to cope with global climate change effectively. As a responsible developing country, China’s response to climate change is not only an internal requirement for the promotion of its own sustainable development, but also reflects its responsibility to create a community of shared future for mankind. This rationale for our time determines that it is necessary for China to become a world leader in coping with global climate change and environmental governance through a leadership which lies in making a contribution rather than fighting for hegemony.     

Research Misconduct Definitions Adopted by U.S. Research Institutions

In 2000, the U.S. federal government adopted a uniform definition of research misconduct as fabrication, falsification, or plagiarism (FFP), which became effective in 2001. Institutions must apply this definition of misconduct to federally-funded research to receive funding. While institutions are free to adopt definitions of misconduct that go beyond the federal standard, it is not known how many do. We analyzed misconduct policies from 183 U.S. research institutions and coded them according to thirteen different types of behavior mentioned in the misconduct definition. We also obtained data on the institution’s total research funding and public vs. private status, and the year it adopted the definition. We found that more than half (59%) of the institutions in our sample had misconduct policies that went beyond the federal standard. Other than FFP, the most common behaviors included in definitions were “other serious deviations” (45.4%), “significant or material violations of regulations” (23.0%), “misuse of confidential information” (15.8%), “misconduct related to misconduct” (14.8%), “unethical authorship other than plagiarism” (14.2%), “other deception involving data manipulation” (13.1%), and “misappropriation of property/theft” (10.4%). Significantly more definitions adopted in 2001 or later went beyond the federal standard than those adopted before 2001 (73.2% vs. 26.8%), and significantly more definitions adopted by institutions in the lower quartile of total research funding went beyond the federal standard than those adopted by institutions in the upper quartiles. Public vs. private status was not significantly associated with going beyond the federal standard.     

Revisiting History: The Creation of Provinces and the Politics of Social Policy in a Democratic South Africa

The pre‐democracy negotiations between the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party (NP) established nine provincial forms of government to replace the four provinces of the apartheid era. The nine provinces contrasted with the historical goal of the ANC to create a ‘democratic, non‐racial and unitary South Africa’. The NP wanted nine new provinces to prevent centralized state power under an ANC government and saw possibilities for winning electoral power in the Western Cape. The ANC conceded following political pressure from the Inkatha Freedom Party, which threatened civil war, and a policy shift after examining the German federal governance system. The article analyzes the history, politics, process and outcomes of the establishment of the nine provinces for social policy delivery in South Africa. It explores the contention that the nine provinces re‐fragmented service delivery (although not on a statutory racial basis) and created a system of fiscal decentralization with serious implications for social policy: weakening bureaucratic capacity, institutional capability and political accountability. The provincial governance mechanisms and fiscal institutions created a particular ‘path dependency’ which, 18 years after democratic, rule still impacts negatively on service delivery and more equitable policy outcomes. This is in part due to the undermining of provincial governance mechanisms and fiscal institutions by a significant minority of corrupt and incompetent provincial civil servants. The corruption of these provincial governance mechanisms and fiscal institutions erodes the egalitarian values aimed at creating a non‐racial, non‐sexist, democratic and unitary South Africa which historically underpinned the policy agenda of the ANC. It also has weakened social citizenship on a geographical and ultimately racial basis given the continuing co‐incidence of race and place in a democratic South Africa.     

“作为武器的弱者身份”：农民维权抗争的底层政治

社会弱者并不必然在任何时候都处于弱势地位,有时甚至拥有优势。在评述和借鉴农民维权抗争,特别是体现为“弱者的武器”的日常抵抗的相关研究的基础上,本文将农民底层政治的自主性作为分析农民的维权抗争的基点,同时将关注焦点放在农民维权抗争的日常事件上,从而发现了农民的另一种底层抗争的政治机制——“作为武器的弱者身份”。本研究论述了弱者所具有的隐性力量及以弱者身份作为武器进行抗争的作为,即回答了“作为武器的弱者身份”何以可能与何以可为的问题,从而对学界以往对弱者的传统认识提出了修正。本文最后指出,“作为武器的弱者身份”的抗争机制的研究对于社会管理与发展具有更深远的意义。     

The Role of Consultative Democracy under the Constitutional Framework and the Associated Rule of Law*

The logical sequence of China’s state governance is “governing party—consultative conferences—people’s congresses—the people.” The “governing party—consultative conferences” link in the chain involves political consultation through people’s consultative conferences. The “governing party—consultative conferences—people’s congresses” link involves a process of obtaining legitimacy for the Party’s views based on political consultations which are then translated into the national will by the system of people’s congresses. The “people’s congresses—the people” link involves the two-pronged logic of elections and governing the country according to law. The “governing party—the people” link is an illustration of the party’s mass line, which essentially involves social consultation. Consultative democracy usually includes the political consultation in the “governing party—consultative conferences” link and the social consultation in the “governing party—the people” link in the chain, both of which are connected through the system of people’s congresses. This logically determines the inner relations between the Party’s leadership, consultative democracy and the people’s congress form of representative democracy and shapes the institutionalization of consultative democracy. That is, in the process of democratic decision-making, a circular system consisting of “political consultation—legislative consultation—social consultation” is created to guide development of the actual system.     

The relationship between perceived parental physical availability and child sexual,physical and emotional abuse among high school students in the Northern Province,South Africa

This is an investigation into the relationship between perceived parental physical availability and child sexual, physical and emotional abuse among high school students in the Northern Province (South Africa). All the secondary school students in standards 9 and 10 in three secondary schools filled in a retrospective self-rating questionnaire in a classroom setting. The questionnaire asked questions about perceived parental physical availability during childhood, and childhood sexual, physical and emotional abuse. Logistic Regression Analysis shows that among all the participants, “haven ever had a stepfather or adoptive father until he or she was at least 16 years old” and again, “haven ever had a stepfather or adoptive father until he or she was at least 16 years old” and “haven lived in a ‘group home’ until he or she was at least 16 years”; and “haven been raised by any other adult” predict child sexual, physical and emotional abuse, respectively. Mental health and social workers, educators and law enforcement agencies dealing with prevention and protection against child abuse in the Province should take note of the above identified predictors while designing programmes for the eradication of child sexual, physical and emotional abuse.     

广松涉物象化论在日本左翼运动中的位置与影响

战后日本的旧左翼运动呈现追随大众现实意识状态的倾向,新左翼运动旗手广松涉对此展开批判,他主张发达资本主义国家的革命具有首要意义,认为马克思主义迎来了“第三阶段”,在日本应该通过理论斗争与实践运动相结合的方式实现社会变革。一般被视为纯哲学问题的广松物象化论就是用来指导新左翼运动的理论武器。与“异化革命”论相比,物象化论是对资本主义价值体系进行的原理上的、更加彻底的批判,因而不容易与现实运动形成直接关联,广松立足于物象化论的革命论自然也无法解决他自己所批判的在革命运动中“前卫”与“大众”相脱离的问题。     

Mending Nets in the South: Anti-poverty Policies in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain

The marginal role of social assistance and the absence of minimum income programmes have long been thought to constitute defining characteristics of the southern European model of welfare. Nevertheless, over the 1990s significant innovations in this field have taken place. The paper aims to contribute to the analysis of recent developments by critically examining the experience of anti‐poverty policies in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain. It is argued that the “patchiness” of safety nets in southern Europe is due to a unique set of constraints, the most relevant of which are the role of families and the “softness” of state institutions. A review of national profiles reveals that new policies introduced in all four countries mark progress towards redressing some of the historical imbalances of that welfare model. In particular, fully fledged minimum income schemes now operate in Portugal and in certain Spanish regions, while an experiment involving a number of Italian municipalities is still in progress. In spite of this, the paper concludes that social safety nets in southern Europe remain frail in terms of institutional design as well as political support and legitimacy.     

Resources and strategies of interest groups and industry representatives involved in federal forest policy

This study analyzes the resources and strategies of public interest groups and industry representatives involved in federal forest policy in the state of Oregon during the early 1990s. While many studies have examined the role of interest groups in the policy process, few have compared empirically the resources available and strategies pursued by industry representatives and public interest groups in a particular policy domain. Utilizing survey data from 133 business representatives and 326 public interest groups involved in federal forest policy, the study argues that public interest group influence derives primarily from the ability to mobilize human resources; the financial resources of these groups tend to be modest. Industry and industry-supported groups, in contrast, possess considerable financial power while enjoying less support from the public. Consequently, industry interests tend to focus their efforts on more traditional forms of influence such as the persistent lobbying of natural resource agencies and elected officials. Public interest groups, in contrast, tend to devote considerable efforts to building public support in urban core areas to build the capacity to pressure governmental decision-makers.     

The Communist Activities of the First International and the Logic of Socialist Party Politics

Against the backdrop of the 19^th century, the First International, guided by Marxism, emerged in the form of the early “International Socialist Federation.” It viewed the seizure of power as the great mission of the proletariat, actively struggled against bourgeois regimes, strongly responded to the call of times for the theoretical self-consciousness and organized struggle of the proletariat, and exerted a profound historical influence on the stirring inauguration and nationally oriented development of the international Communist movement of the 20^th century. From the socialist party political perspective, the First International, once the Communist League, had raised the curtain on socialist party politics, changed the political mode of capitalist party politics’ exclusive world domination through the interactive development of new organizational forms, theoretical viewpoints and political practice. It thus left an abundant historical legacy in terms of ideological creation and practical innovation for the subsequent Second International, the Communist International and the emergence and development of socialist party politics within nation-states. Although its socialist party political practice had an obvious “regional,” “preliminary” and “tentative” nature, the First International had foundation-laying significance and pioneering value for the development of socialist party politics, whether in terms of organizational vehicles, value orientation and activity content, or in terms of ideological guidance, practical patterns and strategic principles.     

Privatizing Social Services in the U.S.A.

Governmental and private sector social services organizations have traditionally shared important roles for provision and delivery of social services in the United States. Over the past fifty years, however, a predominant position has developed for the public sector, especially through federal funding for social service programmes. Recent challenges to the prevailing role of public sector dominance have been expressed by the proponents for privatization at a time when decreasing federal funds are made available for social service programmes. The analysis presented here examines the potential and problems associated with the privatization strategies offered through load shedding, limited-government arrangements, fee charging and competition. As a macro level approach for a comprehensive system of social service provision and delivery, these privatization strategies raise more questions than immediate solutions. A more optimistic view is taken if privatization leads to a more meaningful balance with increased co-operation between public and private social welfare auspices.