实事求是、与时俱进,推动西藏社会发展研究

建国60年,国内国际形势已经发生了翻天覆地的巨大变化,各族民众和政府官员也已经出现了显著的代际更替,改革开放以来东部沿海与西部少数民族聚居区的发展差距也在不断扩大,西部地区如西藏自治区的社会经济发展正面临一个新的历史转型期.在这一过程中会不断出现新矛盾和新问题,坚持解放思想、实事求是的唯物主义科学精神,深入实地调查来理解和把握新时代的社会矛盾和民族关系走向,倾听基层民众的心声,同时虚心借鉴我国历史上和其他国家在民族关系方面的经验和教训,不唯上,不唯书,真正做到与时俱进,这是我们当前开展民族问题研究所必须坚持的原则立场.     

西部民族地区私营企业主关系网络建构研究

西部民族地区私营企业主的行为是"嵌入"在民族地区政治、社会、文化领域之中的.呈现出私营企业主向政府部门嵌入--私营企业主的政治化;与政府官员向市场领域的嵌入--政府行为的经济化、企业化,建构一定的关系网络有助于私营企业主愿望与利益的实现.     

西部地区小康社会建设中的民族关系问题

本文认为,西部民族地区加快全面建设小康社会和民族关系是一对既相互对立又相互统一、相互影响的重要因素。认识到经济社会发展和民族关系之间的这种互动关系,是我们实施西部大开发和在西部地区全面建设小康社会首先要考虑的问题。因而在小康社会建设中,首先应该正确区分经济问题和民族问题,不能因为经济问题涉及到民族成员而使一般的经济问题的解决带上民族问题的色彩;其次是应该加强宣传和教育引导,树立正确的国家观、平等的民族观;再其次是西部民族地区要确立正确的发展观;最后,应该建立有效的民族关系预警和防御机制,保证西部大开发与西部民族地区全面建设小康社会有一个稳定的社会环境。     

西部民族地区全面建设小康社会应注意处理的若干问题

本文从历史和现实两个方面分析了我国西部民族地区的基本情况,认为正确认识和把握这一基本情况是民族地区全面建设小康社会的立足点,并指出民族地区全面建设小康社会的关键是处理好与民族有关的若干问题,即东部与西部的关系;民族自治地方与中央及非自治地方的关系;少数民族与汉族的关系;杂散居民族与聚居民族的关系;传统文化与现代经济的关系。文章最后提出了战略机遇期民族地区全面建设小康社会的根本途径是全面贯彻落实党的民族政策,促进各民族共同繁荣进步。     

西部民族地区民营企业基于模糊关系产权的行为分析

本文主要着眼于西部民族地区模糊关系产权相应的实证意义.探讨模糊关系产权作为西部民族地区民营企业应对环境的适应机制是怎样影响组织行为的,它有哪些独特的实证意义?笔者就模糊关系产权的广度、产权结构的持续时间和变动频率、决策权的集中程度、产权的正式结构与实际运行之间的差别,从获取资源的途径、企业的身份、制度环境三个方面来讨论模糊关系产权与西部民族地区民营企业行为之间的关系.     

西部民族地区发展中的政府意志与社会变迁悖论

本文认为在西部民族地区的发展进程中,中央政府的国家意志是决定因素之一,也是认识西部民族地区经济发展过程的基本逻辑起点。同时中央政府的国家意志与西部民族地区社会制度的变迁存在必然的矛盾关系是我们理解西部民族地区经济发展过程的主要线索。西部民族地区现代化实际上是一个传统社会逐渐解体、农牧民阶级逐渐消逝的过程。那么,作为传统社会主体的西部民族地区农牧民,在完成这种消灭自身的痛苦的转变过程中表现出特有的生存理性,这是许多从事现代化研究的学者们一度忽略或者不愿涉及的问题。     

民族地区扶贫攻坚中的政府行为

民族地区扶贫攻坚中政府行为的特殊性民族地区扶贫攻坚中政府行为的特殊性是民族地区经济文化特殊性所决定的。由于民族地区经济、文化所具有的特点,以改善民族地区经济和文化状况为目的的政府扶贫行为也必然具有和非民族地区政府行为不同的一面。首先,它的基础不同,民族地区政府行为的基础较差,是建立在经济不发达,文化落后的基础上的上层建筑;其次,阶段性的工作任务也不同。一般来说,在现阶段,民族地区政府行为的主要任务是解决温饱问题,而非民族地区政府行为的主要任务却是如何实现经济飞速发展。第三,工作环境和工作对象存在着差别,民族…     

论民族地区政府干预市场的问题

加入世贸组织,实施西部开发给民族地区经济发展带来机遇和挑战,显然仅仅依靠市场调节不仅使西部少数民族地区后发力量无法发挥,而且还会加剧东西部差距的扩大,因此在发展民族地区经济的过程中政府行为具有特殊的意义.通过分析政府干预的作用和缺陷,提出民族地区政府适度干预的几点对策.     

西部民族地区政府竞争力塑造的多元视角分析

西部民族地区政府竞争力囿于中央政府宏观经济战略的导向要求,与东部发达地区面临不同的外部约束条件和限定的政府策略空间的选择集。科学地理解中央政府改革的逻辑体系,准确判断西部民族地区面临的改革策略空间,继续在改革的历史逻辑区位上充当不可替代的作用,使得西部民族地区地方政府有更大的能力和空间从中央政府那里不断承接到更多的责任,不失为明智有效的第一步。     

观点摘要

●《广西民族学院》2004年第2期发表了蒋彬博士《西部民族地区城镇化与全面小康社会建设》一文,文中探讨了我国西部民族地区的城镇化问题。文章首先分析了我国西部民族地区城镇化与小康社会建设的关系及意义:城镇化与小康社会建设都是西部民族地区实现现代化的一个过程;城镇化可以获得集聚经济效应,扩大内需,推动经济快速发展;城镇化是解决“三农”问题的重要途径;城镇化是实现可持续发展的重要手段。推进城镇化战略是全面建设小康社会的重要途径,也是全面建设小康社会的一项重要目标和任务。加速我国西部民族地区的城镇化步伐,加快西部民族…     

高质量发展背景下的西藏全要素生产率研究

伴随着“提高全要素生产率”先后被正式写入国务院政府工作报告和党的十九大报告,近年来全要素生产率理论开始得到国内外学者的广泛关注。在此背景下,运用非参数DEA-Malmquist指数分析法对2000-2018年西藏全要素生产率进行了测算分解,并与同时期全国平均水平和主要民族地区水平进行了横向比较。研究结论表明,西藏当前正处于工业化前期向工业化中期的转型发展阶段,21世纪以来全要素生产率虽然呈现出“√”型的缓慢回升态势,但总体上仍然处于低位区间波动徘徊,相对滞后于全国和主要民族地区平均水平。因此,未来西藏经济要实现高质量发展的目标,迫切需要通过一系列有效改革措施,加快实现经济增长方式由要素投入拉动向全要素生产率驱动转变。     

Conceptualizing color-evasiveness: using dis/ability critical race theory to expand a color-blind racial ideology in education and society

Abstract

Color-blind racial ideology has historically been conceptualized as an ideology wherein race is immaterial. Efforts not to ‘see’ race insinuate that recognizing race is problematic; therefore, scholars have identified and critiqued color-blindness ideology. In this paper, we first examine Gotanda’s (1991) identification and critique of color-blind racial ideology, as it was crucial in troubling white supremacy. We then explore literature in both legal studies and education to determine how scholars have built upon Gotanda’s intellectual theoretical foundations. Finally, using a Dis/ability Critical Race Theory (DisCrit) framework, we end by expanding to a racial ideology of color-evasiveness in education and society, as we believe that conceptualizing the refusal to recognize race as ‘color-blindness’ limits the ways this ideology can be dismantled.     

欠发达地区家族制企业的现实性分析

家族制企业在欠发达地区经济发展中占有非常重要的地位。在关于企业组织形式的探讨中,家族制企业通常被视为是保守、低效率、内部纠纷纷呈的作坊式企业,不少研究者强调,家族式企业迟早要消失。但这一古老企业形态在中国大陆民营企业中的复兴却已是不争的事实,家族制企业具有企业系统、资本积累、经营行为、信誉安排以及企业所有权方面独特的家族共同情感、观念和形式上的现实性和理性。本文就家族制企业的兴起背景,结合欠发达地区经济环境讨论家族式企业的现代化发展趋势。说明基于特定的经济、文化环境和其内在的演进逻辑在家族制企业研究中的重要性。     

哈萨克斯坦东干人的民族教育与群体建构

东干人是与中国有着密切历史文化联系的中亚少数族群,是了解当下中亚政治经济发展和复杂民族关系的绝佳素材。在历史的演进中,他们形成了一套能维持文化传承和族群边界的民族教育体系,但当下受到很大的冲击和影响。     

康定锅庄文化遗产价值新阐释

The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func￣tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter￣mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be￣tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur￣chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu￣tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re￣search was born from the old mindset, and pro￣posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha￣nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul￣ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur￣ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea￣ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per￣spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang￣ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re￣placement of native officials with centrally appoint￣ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in￣dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re￣garded as the most proper carrier for the communi￣cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court￣yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char￣acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min￣iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court￣yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business￣man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis￣ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re￣lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi￣tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan￣guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re￣sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an￣gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu￣ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val￣ue. If the relevant government bodies could in￣clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val￣ue , and play an important role both in the econom￣ic development and construction of harmonious eth￣nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in￣troduced to the present world and influence the fu￣ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti￣betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur￣al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re￣tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no￣tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”.     

非物质文化遗产的开发式保护框架

鉴于非物质文化遗产的特殊性,单纯的记录、保存和隔离的做法,不能有效地保护。本文提出引进旅游市场机制,调动政府、商家、学者和文化主体的积极性,使非物质文化遗产在现实生活中找到生存的土壤。     

从语言经济学的视角看广西京族地区的“越南语热”现象

语言经济学是语言学和经济学交叉发展而形成的新兴边缘学科,近年来引起了国内外众多学者的关注.本研究采用经济学中的成本—收益分析模式分析了“越南语热”在广西东兴京族地区流行的原因,反思了社会中存在的“英语热”现象,以期对当前外语教育规划中语种不均衡问题的解决有所启示.     

US Neoconservative Support and Policy Activism for Bosnia, 1992–1995: Correcting the Record

Abstract

The aim of this article is to trace neoconservative thought in the US and policy activism on the role of the US in Bosnia during the 1992–1995 genocide. This paper argues that, on the issue of intervention in Bosnia, neoconservatives in the US comprised two camps. Neoconservative former government officials were early and consistent advocates of an assertive US intervention in Bosnia. However, the neoconservative academics were a heterogeneous group divided over the question of US intervention. Yet, both the former government officials and several academics came together in supporting President Bill Clinton's decision to deploy US troops to enforce the Dayton Peace Accords. While sharply criticized in the Muslim world for their Middle East policies, neoconservative advocacy for Bosnia and Bosnian Muslims during 1992–1995 has been largely overlooked. Analysing neoconservatives’ activism on Bosnia provides for a more nuanced understanding of the US neoconservative foreign policy legacy.     

Resistance and Assimilation: Transforming Security Roles of China’s Largest Muslim Minorities

China’s resurgence as an economic power has brought it increased interconnectivity to international global markets, and with it, increased exposure to transnational crimes. The rise of Islamic fundamentalism and the resulting increase in religious-inspired terrorist attacks have been of particular concern for the Chinese leadership. This paper aims to highlight the processes of resistance and assimilation of China’s two largest Muslim minorities, the Hui and Uyghur, in successive Chinese Empires since the eighth century CE and how critical events in the past two decades have affected the way in which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has approached relations with its Muslim minority communities. The purpose is two-fold: to expose these groups’ stabilizing and destabilizing influence throughout the 1300 years of Muslim-Chinese coexistence, and to assess the effectiveness of the Chinese Communist Party’s Policies towards its Muslim minorities.