American Roulette: The Effect of Reminders of Death on Support for George W. Bush in the 2004 Presidential Election

An experiment was conducted to assess the effect of a subtle reminder of death on voting intentions for the 2004 U.S. presidential election. On the basis of terror management theory and previous research, we hypothesized that a mortality salience induction would increase support for President George W. Bush and decrease support for Senator John Kerry. In late September 2004, following a mortality salience or control induction, registered voters were asked which candidate they intended to vote for. In accord with predictions, Senator John Kerry received substantially more votes than George Bush in the control condition, but Bush was favored over Kerry following a reminder of death, suggesting that President Bush's re-election may have been facilitated by nonconscious concerns about mortality in the aftermath of September 11, 2001.     

Slanted Objectivity? Perceived Media Bias,Cable News Exposure,and Political Attitudes*

Objectives. This research explores the consequences of a fragmented television news audience. The recent proliferation of a wide array of television news sources has influenced the manner in which a large number of Americans get their information about politics and government. The political consequences of media fragmentation and the polarization of the U.S. television news audience are explored. Methods. I analyze data on television news‐gathering habits and political attitudes collected from several surveys conducted by the Pew Research Center during the 2004 presidential election campaign. Results. The Fox News Channel has been the main beneficiary of television news fragmentation by appealing to those individuals who have become disillusioned with what they perceive as a liberally‐biased mainstream media. The findings show that the Fox News audience has a distinct set of political attitudes regarding President Bush and his opposition. Evidence also indicates that the Fox News audience has distinct voting behavior patterns, even when controlling for party identification. Finally, the results illustrate that Fox News watchers have perceptions of political reality that differ from the rest of the television news audience. Conclusions. The television news audience is divided along political lines. This division could contribute toward further political polarization among the U.S. mass public as the content of television news coverage of politics becomes less and less homogenized.     

扩张与收缩：论美国外交的周期性

自1801年托马斯·杰斐逊总统上台以来，美国外交即呈现出“扩张——收缩——再扩张——再收缩……”的周期模式。从上一次扩张到下一次扩张或从上一次收缩到下一次收缩的平均时间约为45年左右。迄今为止，美国外交经历了四个半周期。美国经济的周期性波动、国际局势的变动、国内思潮的转换等因素是推动美国外交扩张与收缩的主要动力。当前美国外交开始步入第五个周期的收缩期，这将对世界和中国产生重大影响。     

Framing U.S. Redistributive Policies: Tough Love for Poor Women and Tax Cuts for Seniors

In recent years, income inequality in the U.S. has risen to historically high levels. Redistributive policies that differentially benefit lower- versus upper-income households play a significant role in the widening economic gap. A discourse analysis of 284 articles from five major U.S. newspapers was conducted to examine dominant media framing of the Bush administration's welfare reauthorization proposal and the 2003 dividend tax cuts. Guided by critical theory ( Delgado & Stefancic, 2001 ;   Wing, 1997 ), we found that dominant issue frames favored reduced support for progressive welfare policies and increased support for tax cuts. Implications for pursuing an economic justice agenda are discussed.     

Meaningful Voices: How Psychologists, Speaking as Psychologists, Can Inform Social Policy

Kitzinger and Wilkinson (2004) posit that social advocacy can be argued for within both a discourse of equal rights and a discourse of mental health. They suggest that psychological evidence, because it is bound to a discourse of mental health, is currently not useful in advancing the campaigns for equal marriage rights. In our response to their argument, we (1) agree that the currently available psychological evidence is limited; (2) make the case that it is still important for psychologists to produce evidence that speaks to this debate; and (3) suggest how psychologists, still speaking as psychologists, can produce evidence that speaks to this debate through underutilized theoretical and methodological approaches to relevant issues. The authors analyze a key statement by United States President George W. Bush on the meaning of marriage and the available psychological literature on same-sex relationships to support their position.     

A U.S. Holy War? The Effects of Religion on Iraq War Policy Attitudes*

Objective. Throughout the course of the Iraq War, the Bush Administration has consistently framed its war policy in religious language. Therefore, we investigate the extent to which public religiosity predicts neoconservative foreign policy attitudes. Method. We use the 2005 Baylor Religion Survey to estimate OLS models predicting the effects of religious measures on support for a neoconservative Middle East foreign policy. Findings. We find that support for U.S. Iraq policy is partially an outcome of what we call “sacralization ideology,” as measured by the belief that religious and secular institutions should be more closely in collaboration. Conclusion. We argue that the religious framing of U.S. foreign policy appeals to a certain religious type who is not fully Republican or conservative evangelical.     

Negotiating survival: undocumented Mexican immigrant women in the Pacific Northwest

Current analyses of Mexico–U.S. migration theory generally are based on socioeconomic contexts and decision-making processes of male respondents. Further, limited data available on undocumented Mexican immigrant women mainly address the Mexico–U.S. border area, and adjacent U.S. urban centers. Our qualitative study focuses on undocumented Mexican immigrant women residing in central Washington State, where the regional economy is dominated by agribusiness development and dependent on immigrant and migrant farm labor. This paper assesses propositions of neoclassical economic and social capital theories of international migration in explaining the women’s migration decision-making processes. Project data indicate that while the Pacific Northwest has been a primary migration destination for sometime, it now may be increasingly a second-stage U.S. migration site, following initial migration to more traditional destinations such as California.     

Understanding Collective Hatred

Few days after the tragic events of September 11, Osama bin Laden invited President George W. Bush to convert to Islam. This article explores this fantasmatic "conversion offer" in order to demonstrate the hidden workings of collective hatred and its ambivalent mechanisms. Based on previous work (Yanay, 1989, 1995, 1996), this article claims that collective hatred signifies a failure to mediate between similarity and difference, closeness and separation, isolation and connectedness, at the same time that national and religious groups aspire to be included and be recognized as part of humanity.     

Political confrontation over fiscal processes: The impact of the U.S. Congressional Budget Act

In July 1974 the U.S. Congressional Budget Act was signed into law. This legislation was the result of a heavily fought political confrontation between President Nixon and Congress over who controlled the Federal budget. In addition to the issue of control, the Act was prompted by dissatisfaction with the procedures used by Congress to determine Federal receipts and expenditures. The purpose of this paper is to assess the impact this legislation had on the U.S. economy in its early years.The first section of the paper sets up a simple modeling framework. The model is specified so as to illustrate how a change in the budget process resulting from the Congressional Budget Act could potentially produce changes in the level of total output. This section also explains the derivation of a tax and expenditure series used in the model's empirical testing. The second section addresses some of the theoretical issues, and presents the results of simulations based on the Chase, Wharton, and Data Resources econometric models. Broad conclusions are gathered in the final section.     

非自主回忆：普鲁斯特论个体记忆的社会性

哈布瓦赫集体记忆理论提供了“社会性”的视角,但没能深描个体创造社会的过程。普鲁斯特的记忆理论虽然也包含“社会性”维度,但并没有止步于此,而是呈现出社会与个体混融的社会形象,其中,不仅有社会的限制和引导二重性,还有个体的主动适应和创造：社会也内在于个体,个体也非纯粹的心理学意义上的个体,个体的创造离不开社会环境。这源于主客融合的立场,在这一视点下,普鲁斯特的社会形象不是二重性,而是多重的,甚至有无限可能。社会是在个体创造过程中的产物,在这一过程中,社会呈现出丰富的形象,社会的无限可能性蕴含在个体的创造过程中。     

Duty and discretion in a wayward agency: The U.S. environmental protection agency implementation of the hazardous waste laws

In the early 1980s the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency under Anne (Gorsuch) Burford became a battleground between President Reagan's appointees and the career civil servants. The new administration wanted to ease the regulatory burden, cooperate with industry, and reduce inflationary costs. The civil servants wanted to continue the existing policies of the Carter administration, or as they saw it, to implement the laws. The hazardous waste program, headed by Rita Lavelle, serves as a case study of the tension between the agency's duty (to the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act and the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation and Liability Act) and the administrative discretion to carry out President Reagan's policy.     

Securing a line on the ballot: Measuring and explaining the restrictiveness of ballot access laws for non-major party candidates in the United States

This paper uses difference of means tests and OLS regression to analyze third party and independent candidate state-level petition signature requirements for President, U.S. Senate, and U.S. House in the United States. This paper finds that Daniel Elazar's [Elazar, D. J. (1966). American federalism: A view from the states. New York: Crowell] political culture framework has utility in explaining petition signature requirement variations across states. The paper found that moralistic states have significantly lower ballot access requirements for U.S. House races than individualistic and traditionalistic states. Multivariate analysis indicates that the presence of a moralistic political culture in a state is an important determinant of petition signature requirements. Another interesting finding is that states, on average, tend to have higher petition signature requirements for U.S. House than for statewide offices. This finding suggests that the major parties may perceive the influence of third parties to be greater for district-level offices, such as U.S. House, than for statewide offices.     

新时期的日美贸易谈判:成果与趋势探析

特朗普执政后,开始实行“美国优先”和贸易保护政策,反对多边主义,主张双边谈判。在美国对日存在大量贸易逆差、中美贸易摩擦持续、日本加快扩展对外经贸关系的形势下,美国与日本缔结双边贸易协定、加强经贸合作的必要性明显上升。2019年4月,美日启动双边贸易谈判,并在半年内签署了初步贸易协定,其范围基本未超日本所要求的货物贸易内容,仅增加了数字贸易领域,反映出日本与美国欲在新一轮国际贸易体系转型中引领规则与标准制定的战略意向。日美贸易协定对日本的预期经济效果低于CPTPP和日欧EPA,尤其是日本的农业将面对更加激烈的竞争。依照特朗普政府对日谈判方针,日美今后还将围绕汇率条款、原产地规则、投资及服务贸易等问题展开谈判,日本仍会面临来自美国的压力与挑战。     

Moral Values, Moralism, and the 2004 Presidential Election

The "moral values vote" in the 2004 American presidential election should be interpreted more broadly than as a reflection of concerns about same-sex marriage and abortion. Instead of specific hot-button social policy issues, a general personality trait of moralism—the tendency to perceive a moral dimension in everyday decisions—may have contributed to the election outcome. Specifically, we hypothesize that some Bush supporters shared Bush's high level of moralism (as reflected in his rhetoric) and that this moralism motivated their votes. Consistent with our hypothesis, a preliminary empirical investigation suggests that Bush voters were, indeed, higher in moralism than were Kerry voters. Plans for further research and political strategy implications are discussed.     

The psychology of AMBER Alert: Unresolved issues and implications

The AMBER alert system is likely affected by a number of psychological processes, yet remains understudied. The system assumes people will remember Alert information accurately and notify police, but psychological research on related phenomena (e.g., memory, willingness to help) indicates that people may not be able or willing to act in ways the promote the success of the system. In addition, the system is intended to deter child abductions, however, the system could prompt copycat crimes from perpetrators seeking publicity. The system could also cause a precipitation effect in which a perpetrator who sees the Alert could decide to murder the child immediately to avoid capture. Policy recommendations are made based on psychological research and theory, although more research is needed to develop the most effective system possible.     

Social Class in Public Schools

This article shows the pattern of socioeconomic class differences in schooling outcomes and indicates some of the causes for those differences that lie within the public realm. Those causes include "nested inequalities" across boundaries of states, school districts, schools within a district, classes within a school, and sometimes separation within a class. In addition, urban public schools demonstrate a particular set of problems that generate differential schooling outcomes by economic class. The article also demonstrates ways in which class biases are closely entwined with racial and ethnic inequities. It concludes with the broad outlines of what would be necessary to reduce class (and racial) disparities in American public schools .

The American dream will succeed or fail in the 21 ^st century in direct proportion to our commitment to educate every person in the United States of America.
            —President Bill Clinton, 1995 ( Clinton, 1995 : 617)

There is no greater test of our national responsibility than the quality of the education we provide.
      —Democratic presidential candidate Al Gore, 2000 ( Gore, 2000 )

Both parties have been talking about education for quite a while. It's time to come together to get it done, so that we can truthfully say in America: No child will be left behind.
                —President George W. Bush, 2001 ( Bush, 2001 )

     

The Second Phase of US Welfare Reform, 2000–2006: Blaming the Poor Again?

This article examines the evolution of the programme Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) since 1996. In 1996, the transformation of Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) marked a watershed in American social policy. AFDC was the main US public assistance programme for single parents. By the mid-1990s, it was also the most unpopular social programme in the United States, which explained why Bill Clinton promised to 'end welfare as we know it' during his presidential campaign in 1996. TANF ended automatic individual entitlement to public assistance, established a five-year time limit for receiving cash assistance, and promoted a punitive approach towards welfare recipients, who were in theory increasingly required to work in exchange for benefits. This approach is known as the Work First Approach. Cash assistance was temporary, and granted as a favour to low-income mothers, who were required to comply with various behavioural requirements. TANF was hailed as a tremendous success on both sides of the political spectrum. This bipartisan consensus explains why the new Republican administration (G. W. Bush became President in January 2001) wanted to build upon the existing programme.     

从英美国家保险利益原则的理论发展看我国立法之完善

英美保险法至保险利益原则确立以来,对其法理有着“法定关系理论”、“实际利益理论”、“存在合法关系的实际利益”这三大理论。而“法定关系理论”、“实际利益理论”并不能解决保险的应有目的,“存在合法关系的实际利益”理论更符合历史潮流。我国现有保险法在人身保险合同中采用的是“法定关系理论”,在财产保险合同中,保险法未明确规定,在实践中适用的是“法定关系理论”。从英美国家理论发展的现状及国情,我国保险法在人身保险合同中不应适用经济利益理论,在财产保险合同中,应适当运用经济利益理论。     

A longitudinal test of the gender turnover model among U.S. House and Senate members

This study builds on previous research by examining the impact of gender when predicting roll call voting behavior in the U.S. House and the U.S. Senate over several recent congresses. In order to unearth gender effects, it employs a longitudinal design based on turnover in the membership of both the House and the Senate. Through a comparison of the voting records of members of Congress representing the same geographic territory it holds constituency constantly while allowing for gender and party to vary. It does so with models including dependent variables that measure roll call ideology and support for women's issues exhibited in the voting records of members in both institutions. The results show that male and female members in each chamber representing the same constituency amass virtually indistinguishable voting records on the liberal-conservative policy dimension. However, on votes dealing with issues of concern to women, female senators tend to be more supportive than the male senators they replace and male senators tend to be less supportive than the female senators they replace.     

The containment and expulsion of wayward soldiers in the U.S. military

The U.S. Armed forces manage deviant soldiers, sailors, and airmen by either punishment while they remain in uniform, or by expulsion with stigma. This article divides court material rates for the period 1941 to 1979 into two categories with regard to whether or not stigmatized soldiers were punished within the confines of the military system or punished and expelled. It finds that the military does not expel the overwhelming majority of those who have committed serious offenses—in that a court martial is an indicator of seriousness. Soldiers who are expelled from the military are more likely to have a problem with their persona than with their behavior. Patterns of stigmatized expulsion do not follow the war-peace cycle. Social order imposed in a complex institution that is grounded in caste-like distinctions produces a distinctive kind of “outsider.” Labelling theory offers an explanation.