Elements of the Chinese Cultual Grammar：Sacrifice1

This article explores definitions of ＂sacrifice＂, and arrives at a definition based on the ＂internal logic＂ of Chinese cultural facts .Through a detailed analysis on the two kinds of relations with gods , i.e.＂homage＂ （ or reverence ） and＂request＂, the concept of ＂sacrifice＂illustrated in the novel The Investiture of the Gods;a Taoist cosmic renewal rite named Jiao;and the imperial altar of Heaven , the author introduces a method for studying the ＂grammar＂ of Chi-nese cultural life , of which sacrifice is an element found in a contrastive relationship with other cultural elements in China .     

地方感何以可能——兼评段义孚“Space and Place: The Perspectives of Experience”一书

In the first century of Anthropology (1870-1970), almost all social sciences studies focused on“objective”,“rational”,“collective”, and “universal” socio-cultural facts. This orien-tation excluded and marginalized those “subjec-tive”,“individual” and “non-rational” fields in the discourse system of the discipline. “Sense”was such a field, refused by the gatekeepers of tra-ditional anthropology. Since 1980s, more and more anthropologists have paid attention to the study of sense. laying the foundations for an “anthropology of the sen-ses”. With the gradual influence of Western An-thropology of the senses, “sense of place” is be-coming a current academic phrase in Chinese An-thropology. Meanwhile, a fundamental question has to be asked:how is sense of place possible? In order to explore this question, we must go back to Yi-Fu Tuan, a renowned humanistic geographer and his master work, Space and Place. Space and Place contains a total of fourteen chapters and can be divided into three parts. The first part, chapters 1 to 3, discusses three key words:experience, space, and place. Meanwhile, this part identifies the fundamental question of the book:how do human beings understand and expe-rience the world? The second part, ranging from chapters 4 to 9 , and introduces the relationship be-tween sense and space. The third part,chapters 10 to 14 , interprets the relationship between place and sense. Although the latter two parts introduce
the relationship between the “Sense and Space”and “Place and Sense”, the interrelation of space-sense-place runs through the whole book. The three key words ( experience, space and place ) are fully reflected in the title of the book ( Space and Place—the Perspective of Experience. What, then, is the nature of experience? Tuan holds that the essentiality of experience is how a person knows and constructs reality, ran-ging from inchoate feelings to explicit conceptions. Essentially,experience equals feeling plus thought. It is generally argued that feeling and thought are opposites. Feeling is subjective and non-rational. Thought is objective and rational. Tuan however argues that both of them belong to different poles of an experiential continuum and are ways of knowing the world. Through a new understanding of experi-ence, Tuan puts feelings to the study of “space-place”. Tuan considers space as a geometrical unit ( area or volume ) , it is a measurable and unam-biguous quantity. More loosely speaking, space means “room”; Space “is given by the ability to move”. However, sense is the sense of a lived body or man, and the relationship between sense and space is the relationship between a body and space, or essentially, the world. When a man ( or lived body ) moves in the world or space, the movement in turn gives him a sense of space. Place, in Tuan’s view, is a type of object,an object in which one can dwell (p. 12),a stable ob-
ject that catches our attention ( p. 161 );a focus of value, of nurture and support (p. 29). If we have a sense of space because we can move, then we have a sense of place because of a pause in move-ment. The pause makes it possible for a locality to become a center of felt value ( p. 138 ) . Sense of place is mind at work ( p. 198 ) , while sense of space is body at work. The most typical sense of place is topophilia, which is the feeling-link be-tween person and place ( Tuan, 1974 ) , and be-comes mixed with the sense of cultural identity a-mong certain peoples and a love of certain aspects of such a place. Actually, place has a lot of similarities with the character of space. For example, one place in-cludes several spaces while it contains another lar-ger space. Nevertheless, the difference between the two is also obvious. Tuan argues that“Place is security, space is freedom” ( p. 3 ) , and Space lies open as a common symbol of freedom in the Western world. On the negative side, space and freedom are a threat. A root meaning of the word“bad” is“open”. To be open and free is to be ex-posed and vulnerable. Compared to space, place is a calm center of established values ( p. 54 ) . While space and place is not a duality, according to Tuan, space can transform into place. In a word, the key factor of the transformation is culture,or more concretely, human experience. Based on this, we further propose that space and place is a continuum, just like Tuan’s understand-ing of experience as a continuum, and sense is a significant link to it. To summarize, Yi-Fu Tuan argues that ex-perience is a compound of feeling and thought in Space and Place:The Perspective of Experience. Tu-
an focuses on feeling and sense, which is the con-junction of space and place. We believe that Tuan’s research is based on a set of views: People have a sense of space from the body, as well as a sense of place from the function of the mind. From sense of space to sense of place, space and place become a continuum for the sake of sense. Nowa-days, historical anthropology still has problems in dealing with the relationship between space and place, so Tuan’s research, which has already bro-ken boundaries between the disciplines of geogra-phy and anthropology, is worthy of closer atten-tion.     

宗教、秩序与隐喻：读《中国社会中的宗教与仪式》

Western social scientists have fo-cused on the religion and ritual of China for a long time. Since modern times, a number of western si-nologists have committed themselves to conducting detailed and in-depth research on aspects of Chi-nese society and history in order to explain the be-liefs and practices of Chinese people. It is within such an academic background that Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, edited by Arthur Wolf, an American anthropologist, compiled a series of studies on the religions and rituals of Taiwan and Hong Kong done by fifteen western scholars from the 1950s to the 1970s. The advent of this book not only characterizes the western academic study of Chinese society and culture of that era, but also causes us to reflect on current research. This book is a work of great academic value, as well as serves as a model for the study of sinology in the field of western anthropology.     

生产性破坏:破坏作为社会生活的中心组织形式

This paper is a reflection on observations about the place of destruction in the or-ganization of social life .In contemplating the model of sacrifice , the author draws upon sources ranging Hubert, Mauss, and Evan-Pritchard to Levi-Strauss, and considers the circumstances of his life as a scholar of Melanesia and as a resident of the United States .The question that in-trigues the author the most is：＂ what quality is there in social life that makes destruction so often the condition of creation？＂ The author names this kind of destruction as a productive destruction and gives an analysis .He argues that destruction not only makes creation possible , it also pro-duces the conditions for the formation of not just difference , but a rank order or hierarchy .He suggests that it is not religion which creates the ritual hierarchies of power and destruction , but the latter which gets taken up by religion and ritual , and, thence, by the development of forms of social order .     

康定锅庄文化遗产价值新阐释

The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func￣tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter￣mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be￣tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur￣chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu￣tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re￣search was born from the old mindset, and pro￣posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha￣nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul￣ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur￣ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea￣ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per￣spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang￣ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re￣placement of native officials with centrally appoint￣ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in￣dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re￣garded as the most proper carrier for the communi￣cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court￣yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char￣acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min￣iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court￣yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business￣man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis￣ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re￣lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi￣tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan￣guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re￣sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an￣gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu￣ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val￣ue. If the relevant government bodies could in￣clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val￣ue , and play an important role both in the econom￣ic development and construction of harmonious eth￣nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in￣troduced to the present world and influence the fu￣ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti￣betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur￣al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re￣tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no￣tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”.     

The Strategy of Multinational Country in Modern China-The Exploration for the Historical Reason of minzu Recognition

The Chinese Communist Party （ CCP ） launched a nationwide census and voter registration campaign in the summer of 1953 .After debating which questions should be posed to their nearly six hundred million respondents , officials ultimately decided upon only five .The first four of these involved the most basic of demographic infor-mation, including name , age, gender , and rela-tionship to the head of one ＇ s household .The fifth one was settled upon a question：that of nationality or minzu.The outcome of the census proved shock-ing to Communist authorities and ultimately precip-itated the Ethnic Classification Project . Why the Communists wished to include minzu on the census schedule？ The author argues that there were three reasons .The first reason is the deeply historical problem of maintaining the territo-rial integrity of a highly diverse empire .The sec-ond problem is more proximate , and originates in the ongoing rivalry between the Communists and the Nationalists during the first half of the twentieth century.Third, with regards to categorization , the advent of the Classification is attributable to a po-litical crisis prompted by the failure of the state ＇ s initial experiment with a highly noninterventionist policy of self-categorization . To understand each of these questions , the author brings the readers to explore the history of the term minzu itself, and suggests that the very in-clusion of minzu in the 1953-54 census schedule was itself the culmination of a complex history dat-ing back to the fall of the Qing dynasty （ 1644 -1911 ） and the formation of the first Chinese repub-lic.     

Excavation of Ethnic Cultural Representation and Penetration of Ethnic Personality-Discussion on Image Construction in the Poems of A Contemporary Miao Poet Named He Xiaozhu

China has been a country with a literature that is created through its multiethnic and multi regional channels .This provides an important condition for the development and prosperity for China＇s multiethnic literature . Meanwhile , it also accelerates the overall development and prosperity of Chinese literature .Hence, the development of regionalism and regionalization of multiethnic literature cannot be ignored , and actually , it needs to be of concern to us .Chengdu is the most important city in the western part of China , and the creation of its contemporary multiethnic literature has become specially important during the gradual development process of its economy and culture .He Xiaozhu, who identifies himself as a Miao , is a typical ethnic minority poet .At the same time , he is also one of the important members within the corresponding circles of contemporary poetic creation .     

遗产理论重新建构的实践：博物馆由圣殿走向世俗

Western theories on cultural herit-age have been developing continuously in ceaseless debates, and these theories have experienced dif-ferent stages of emerging, evolution and decon-struction. At the same time, a reconstruction of‘cultural heritage theories ’ is now being imple-mented and even has gained a certain achieve-ment. Indeed, at present ‘museums ’ have be-come the playgrounds for the reconstruction of new theories: museums are being transformed from a‘palatial ’ heritage protection institutes into ‘an-thropocentric’ cultural service institutes by means of ‘audience engagement’ . Museums increasingly implement the reconstruction of cultural heritage theories. From the 8 th to the 12 th of August 2016 a training project on ‘audience engagement ’ -hos-ted both by the British Council and the Chinese Museums Association-took place in the ‘National Museums Liverpool’ group. Due to its preeminent geological position, professional teams of special-ists, and audience-oriented working mechanisms, the National Museums Liverpool has become a new paradigm for the world of museums. However, be-hind these visible developments, a process of cul-tural heritage studies has been providing a strong support and guidance. Going back to European ideology from the late 18thto 19th century, the ‘past’ was seen as an ob-ject to be studied, pursued, protected, or even re-built ( designing past landscapes, old buildings, and memorials) . This ideology became the starting point of ‘Eurocentric heritage studies ’ . Due to this background, initial heritage studies have been branded with phrases as‘Eurocentrism’ ,‘author-itativeness’ , and ‘sanctification ’; this view has affected a large number of museums in the world. However, heritage studies have been adjusting and evolving. Post-modern heritage theories questioned issues like ‘centralization ’ and ‘authoritative-ness’ , and instead refocused on concepts like‘people’ , ‘democracy ’ , and ‘pluralistic socie-ty’ . The advocacy of‘cultural diversity’ and sup-port of expressions of‘intangible cultural heritage’ are practical applications of this new development in heritage theories. Taking the National Museums Liverpool as a case, the first characteristic of this museums group is the easy accessibility of the location of the muse-ums:several museums are situated just besides the sea as well as close to the city shopping center. Still, other museums are located on the opposite side of this area, yet it is only a 20-minutes walk between the two sides. A second characteristic is a special ‘managerial/administrative mechanism ’ that allows all museums to be run in a certain way;at the same time curators remain at the core of the teams that conduct the projects in the museums. A third trait is that the museum audience remains the main focus of all operations in the‘National Muse-ums Liverpool ’ . The case of National Museums Liverpool shows that ‘museums ’ have become an important place for reconstructing ‘cultural herit-age theories’. By means of ‘free admission’ and ‘audience engagement ’ , the museums’ function has changed from a ‘sacred place for collecting, researching and rescuing the past’ to an anthropo-centric service institute: museums have shifted from an organization of ‘sanctification ’ to one of‘secularization’ . With this development of cultural heritage the-ories, the traditional model of the museums has been reconstructed and renovated:it seems to have restored the voice of the general public and of cer-tain non-powerful groups to preeminence. In addi-tion, the bowuguan tiaoli ( Museum Regulations) issued by the State Council of China in 2015 says that‘education’ is the primary function of a muse-um. This redefinition of what a museum is sup-posed to be, actually reflects a guiding ideology of changing the museum’s traditional status and iden-tity. It also emphasizes the museum’s need for au-dience engagement. All of this challenges the museum’s traditional function of ‘collecting, pre-serving, researching, and displaying’ . New social functions, such as‘public education’ and‘public cultural service’ , are thus constantly emerging into a museum. Although different names have been given to these new functions, ‘audience engage-ment’ is at the core of them. Generally speaking, as international museums are slowly transforming - guided by cultural heritage theories-domestic museums will also gradually change their predomi-nant ‘sacred position ’ and shift into museums of‘decentralization’ . Anthropocentrism and‘service to the people’ will increasingly be the new identity of present-day museums.     

Environmental Vulnerability,Ecosystem Resilience and Debris Flow Disasters-Taking Disaster of Debris Flow in Dongchuan of Yunnan Province as a Case Study

The Dongchuan district of Kun-ming,Yunnan is a place where debris flows hap-pens frequently.As a result, the district is called a“natural museum of debris flow disasters”.This ar-ticle will analyze the...     

A Critical Review of Chinese Ethnic Law Studies in 2014

I. Basic Theory of Ethnic Law Studies
As a mature discipline,research on the basic theory of ethnic law studies is no longer the focus of research. Nonetheless,this does not deny that it is a rese...     

从民间文学看哈尼族的传统生态观

The Hani’s rich folk literature has preserved their traditional culture. Interpreting it from the perspective of ecological culture may lead us to the conclusion that the Hani’s traditional eco-logical understanding is that of a harmonious rela-tionship between man and nature. This ecological understanding is similar to that of other ethnic groups in Yunnan, such as the Bai, Dai, Wa, Yao, Naxi, Jingpo, Bulang, and other ethnic groups, which shows that this ecological under-standing is common across the Chinese nation. Meanwhile, this ecological understanding has an enlightening role for human beings to keep the eco-logical balance in the present day. This article tries to investigate the deep connection between the Hani’s folk literature and the natural ecology, and reveals the Hani’s traditional ecological under-standing. 1 . The Hani’s traditional ecological under-standing is revealed in their folk literature The Hani have no fairy tales in the strict sense, their literature is a kind of“universal litera-ture” enjoyed by both adults and children. Howev-er, the Hani’s folk literature also created a roman-tic world similar to that of fairy tales. This “fairy tale world” is just the world of nature reflected in the Hani’s literature. The typical characteristics of this world are harmony and happiness. In this har-monious and happy world, mountains are a para-dise for man and all other things on earth. In this paradise, man is only a part of nature, they are not the spirit or the core of the world. Man, animals and plants have their own places, and their own happiness. Meanwhile, they support each other, and have a common development. In a word, man and nature have a highly harmonious relationship. When environmental protection and ecological bal-ance become a common topic in today’s discourse, one can gain some insight by reading Hani fairy tales and legends. Therefore, digging out the eco-logical beauty from Hani folk literature still has a practical purpose. How then does Hani folk literature describe the relationship between man and nature? We find that the Hani folk literature is full of stories con-cerning how the animals and plants save mankind. Many works reflect this idea: if mankind had not been assisted by the animals and plants, it must have died out long ago, therefore, man should show his thanks to the animals by protecting them. Be-cause the animals and plants saved man’s life, and man knew to show his gratitude to them, the rela-tionship between man and nature is always good in the fairy tales, although they live in their own ways, they never disturb each other — they have a totally harmonious relationship. Moreover, man can even marry animals and have descendants with them. The harmonious relationship between man, animals and plants is a basic theme of the Hani folk literature, as well as a basic part of the Hani eco-logical understanding. The relationship between man, animals and plants reflects not only a friend-
ship, but a kind of family relation, because they can even become couples, although the couples can sometimes suddenly turn hostile — they may have disagreements or even come to blows. When this happens, the deities could help to solve the problem— this is another aspect which reflects a harmoni-ous relationship between man, animals and plants. In the Hani folk literature, the harmony be-tween man and nature is also reflected in the mutu-al assistance between man, animals and plants. In this kind of literature, man, animals and plants are always equal; they not only have a common goal and the same standards for good and evil, but also have a common language, with which man, animals and plants are able to negotiate with each other, help each other and reap their own rewards. 2 . The cultural sources of the Hani’s tradition-al ecological understanding Although literature is a creation of the writer, it reflects social life. The writers’ imaginings can-not be separated from the practicalities of place, and folk literature has its own particularity. Folk literature is created by several folk artists from gen-eration to generation. It might be a result from sev-eral people’s discussions during the creative process or when the work is passed down, hence, it is typically collective work and has typically mass characteristics. Although the individual plays a significant role in the creation of a work, the content of folk literature does not always reflect a single artist’s idea, but the idea of a group. There-fore, we say that the harmonious ecological under-standing reflected in the Hani literature actually re-flects an overall awareness of the Hani people. Why did the Hani form this kind of common awareness, then? We believe that it is decided by the Hani’s living environment and common cultural resources. Most Hani people live in the mountain-ous or semi-mountainous areas between Mt. Ailao and Mt. Mengle. The living environment partly in-fluences ideology. Because of the level of inacces-sability, and self -sufficient life style, communi-cation among the different Hani villages is rare,
however, what they see every day in their living ar-eas are mountains; therefore, their similar living environment leads them to have a similar under-standing of the mountains. The Hani are a “migrated ethnic group”. Their ancestors originally lived in the remote north. Due to natural and social causes, they moved south. Following the cultural development and improvement of natural conditions, their popu-lation gradually increased. After they stepped into the mountainous areas of Mt. Ailao, they had im-proved material conditions and peaceful life, and the population dramatically increased. Later, they settled down in the broad area of the Honghe and Lishejiang drainage basins. The Hani’s history of migration and development indicates that no matter how large a population they have, and how they are scattered, their culture has the same origin. Therefore, tracing the origin of the Hani culture is very important to understand why the Hani share a common awareness of the harmonious relationship between man and nature. Another point worth noting is that the Hani are called as an “Ethnic Group of Stories”. The Hani like telling stories, and making up stories, therefore, there are many popular stories among the Hani. This is because Hani have no writing, which makes the essence of the Hani culture lie in their oral stories. The ancestors’ stories, and their wisdom are all spread and handed down through these stories. The Hani stories actually play act as cultural carriers, burdened with the task of preser-ving culture, and playing an educational role. It is due to the influence of the ancestors’ traditional culture that the Hani have kept an awareness of maintaining a harmonious relationship between man, animals and plants. Then, which factors in the Hani’s cultural origin have promoted this awareness and made it exist for a long time? This article separately discusses the impact of the origin of the heavens, earth, man, animals, and plants, as well as the understanding of animism to this awareness.
In the Hani’s traditional religion, animism is a basic tenet. The Hani believe that the universe is created by the gods, and all things on earth are brought about by the gods. These deities infuse the things in the universe with a spirit; man cannot hurt other things, including those things without life;and the proper relationship between man and nature is harmony. A harmonious relationship means to obey the deities’ will, and is a special representation of their worship. Some people be-lieve that the formation of this kind of understand-ing is directly related to the ecological environment in which the Hani live. They live in the mountain-ous areas and conduct farming work from genera-tion to generation. The forest and water sources are their basic production materials. While using and transforming nature, they must protect and respect nature. Only in this way can an ethnic group un-dergo constant development in a difficult environ-ment—this already has become common knowledge during the process of inheriting the Chinese culture in the past thousand years. And to the Hani peo-ple, this is their principle, as well as their life philosophy. The Hani’s understanding of animism is a kind of pantheistic ideology, which belongs to religious aspect and does not fit with materialism. However the understanding of animism plays a very big role in the Hani’s formation of a self-consciousness in protecting the animals and plants, and keeping the ecological balance. Its role is not limited to an in-dividual or a local area, instead, its meaning to the whole Hani area cannot be underestimated. Hence, we take it as one of the sources for the for-mation of the harmonious natural understanding of all Hani people.     

从民族志物品收集到东南海洋系文化构建——林惠祥先生收藏与展示实践（1929-1958）

Since the 1980s, critical museum studies have interpreted the‘collecting and exhibi-ting activities’ of a museum as both practical activ-ities as well as a persistent scientific and socio-cul-tural process, and have explored the natures of museum, including the logic and strategy behind these practices. Through reviewing Lin Huixiang ’s collecting and exhibiting practices ( 1929 to 1958 ) , this article aims to explore internal rela-tionships between ( i ) museum practices and ( ii ) the practitioner, all under a particular episteme. This article moreover presents the genealogy of Lin Huixiang ’s academic ideas, museum practices, and‘Southeastern-oceanic-cultural ’ research pro-jects;it covers his earlier activities of ethnographic object collecting and exhibiting practices all the way to the construction of the‘Southeastern-ocean-ic-culture-system ’ within the framework of the‘New Theory of Evolution’ . Seen from a critical perspective, a museum is not a neutral and objective institution but a space full of power and discussion. In addition, in our modern times Museums have become a controver-sial place: the museum’s nature has changed from a‘palace of knowledge’ to a representation-system composed of objects. Eilean Hooper-Greenhill uses the terms“effective history” and“episteme” to ex-amine the history of a museum, and divides it into three stages: ( i ) the irrational cabinet, ( ii ) a classical episteme, and ( iii) a modern episteme. Different epistemes directly influence the collecting and exhibiting practices. Susan Pearce points out that collecting activities express and shape the rela-tionship between the human and material worlds. She distinguishes between “gathering”, “hoard-ing”, and “collecting” and she emphasizes that the term “collecting” points to products of imagi-nation. This imagination metaphorically creates meanings by arrangement and it displays the known world. Therefore, the activity of collecting and ex-hibiting is always practiced under a particular epis-teme;in addition political standpoints, value judg-ments, and academic interests are involved when interpreting the meanings of the objects and the constructing the knowledge order. This article moreover conducts a systematic exploration of Lin Huixiang’s collecting and exhibi-ting practices as well as the genealogy of his aca-demic ideas. All is examined from three aspects:( i) ethnicity, nation, and ethnographic object col-lecting practices; ( ii ) the intellectual, display practices and Museum of Anthropology; ( iii ) the New Theory of Evolution and the establishment of the Southeastern-oceanic-culture-system. The first section of “ethnicity, nation, and ethnographic object collecting practices”focuses on Lin Huixiang’s collecting practices from 1929 until the end of the Second World War. He started to collect aboriginal human objects in Taiwan since 1929 and ethnographical objects in the South Sea since 1937 . As most anthropologists from that area and period, Lin Huixiang’s collecting activities were influenced by patriotism, the establishment of a Chinese anthropology, and by personal academic interests. Chinese anthropologists during the 1920s to 1940s, including Lin Huixiang, believed that nationalism and the ‘Great Harmony ’ would lead to Chinese independence and civilization. And his practices had real significance for China in war-time. On the one hand, these aboriginal objects from Taiwan and the South Sea were regarded as material evidence of an extant“barbarian” culture;this was helpful in understanding that the‘barbari-an’ culture was basically same as that of ours, which then would reduce our ethnic prejudice a-gainst the ‘barbarian’ . On the other hand, these objects also became a means for the public to un-derstand Taiwan, the colony of Japan; in fact, these aboriginal objects even became a symbol of anti-colonialism and aroused the people’s patriot-ism. The second part of “the intelluctual, display practices and Museum of Anthropology” turns to Lin Huixiang’s ideas about the enlightment through a museum and its exhibitions. Lin Huixiang indeed emphasized the educational function of exhibitions and the museum. He displayed his collections to the public, held several exhibitions starting in 1929 , donated all his collections to Xiamen Uni-versity in 1951 , and advocated the establishment of the Museum of Anthropology. Lin Huixiang pointed out that museums were educational institu-tions meant to spread knowledge, and he used specimens, charts, and models to educate the pub-lic. As an anthropologist, Lin Huixiang understood the meaning of an ethnographical museum as an in-strument for teaching, research, and social educa-tion. By reviewing Lin Huixiang’s ‘collecting and exhibiting practices ’ during the period 1929 -1958 , we can clearly come to understand his aca-demic ideas about the discipline of anthropology and about the Southeastern-regional culture. The exhibitions in the Museum of Anthropology of Xia-men University represent his endeavor to construct the Southeastern-oceanic-culture-system within the framework of the New Theory of Evolution. He showed archaeological specimens from the prehis-toric period to the historical period, as well as eth-nographical objects of China’s Southeastern region and Taiwan region, Indonesia, Singapore, India, and of Burma. All objects displayed in exhibitions were used to illustrate the rule of evolution, espe-cially the ethnographic objects that evidenced the primitiveness of human culture; this is helpful to us when exploring the origins of cultures. At the same time, Lin Huixiang compared the cultures of Northern China and Southeastern China, and iden-tified cultural traits specific to the Southeastern ar-ea, aiming to show cultural similarities among China’s Southeastern region and the Taiwan region, and Southeast Asia, which he called the“South-eastern-oceanic-culture-system”.     

极端民族主义恐怖犯罪的刑事控制及其评价

After entering the 21st century, ter￣rorist crimes have become more serious. Terrorism has become one of the worst problems of the mod￣ern world and will continue to be a serious problem in the future. China is also facing the challenge of terrorist crime. Can the present criminal system accomplish the mission of legislative control of these crimes and fulfill the goal of penalising them? It seems that a review and evaluation of the rele￣vant criminal legislation and policies is necessary.
There are different definitions of terrorist crimes. American scholars Alex P. Schmid and Albert J. Jongman gave a review of 109 different definitions that appeared during the period from 1936 to 1983 , and proposed their own opinions in the book Political Terrorism. Chinese scholar Hu Lianhe analyzed 50 definitions that appeared after 1982, and proposed his own idea. On January 1 2016 , the third article of the Zhonghua renmin gongheguo fan kongbu zhuyi fa ( Anti -terrorism Law of the P. R. C) formally defines “terrorism”and “terrorist activities”. Generally speaking, both the academic and legal definitions have gener￣alized three characteristics of “terrorist crime”from subjective and objective aspects: 1 ) taking social order, public security, personnel and prop￣erty as the target of the ( terrorist ) behavior; 2 ) hurting the targets described above or threatening the state organs or international organizations by way of violence, destruction or intimidation; 3 ) taking the realization of some certain political or i￣deological purpose and claims as the ultimate goal of the ( terrorist) behavior.
Concerning the relation between extreme na￣tionalism and terrorism, the general idea is that“there is no pure form of nationalism; it is always combined with some certain political or social pow￣er, and characterized with social movement or his￣torical process”. And seeing from the development course of terrorism,“nationalism is one of the most permanent roots of terrorism”, and is also “one of the most powerful roots of terrorism.”
China has mainly experienced five revisions of its law concerning terrorist crimes: 1 ) revising criminal law in 1997 , and including terrorist or￣ganizations into the criminal penalty for the first time ; 2 ) legislating about terrorist crimes in the xingfa xiuzhengan san ( Criminal Law Amendment III) in 2001; 3 ) intensifying the applicability of the criminal law to terrorist crimes in the xingfa xi￣uzhengan ba ( Criminal Law Amendment VIII ) in 2011;4 ) including technical detection measures of crime on terrorist activities in the xingshi susong fa ( Criminal Procedure Law) revised in March 2012, thereby establishing the legal position of this kind of detection measure in criminal procedure; 5 ) substantially adding accusations in the xingfa xi￣uzhengan jiu ( Criminal Law Amendment IX ) re￣vised in 2015 , and strongly fighting against the ter￣rorist crime .
“As one of the social policies, criminal policy is a kind of countermeasure to handle different kinds of crime without delay - this determines that the formulation of criminal policy is bound to social politics and economics in a period of time.”Since the founding of New China, China has made up corresponding criminal policies according to the social needs and criminal status in different eras. In order to maintain a harmonious relationship be￣tween various ethnic groups, and respect the ethnic culture and customs, a criminal policy called “li￣angshao yikuan” (“less arrested, less killed, and punished leniently”) had been carried out con￣cerning the ethnic minority crimes. However, this criminal policy which had played an important role in juridical practice in handling criminal cases of ethnic minorities is unlikely to be a basic criminal policy for the control of extreme nationalist terrorist crimes in the present day. On the new historical stage,“kuanyan xiangji” ( combining punishment with leniency) has become a basic policy for deal￣ing with criminals in China—this policy is based on the inheritance of the rational connotation of the combination of serious and lenient punishment in the criminal policy, and learning the experience or lessons of “seriously fighting” criminal crimes since the implementation of the reform and opening-up policy. Doubtlessly, this new criminal policy has a guidance significance in the punishment of all criminal activities, including extreme nationalist terrorist crimes of the present.
A basic evaluation of China’ s criminal legis￣lation on the punishment of extreme nationalist ter￣rorist crimes is:1 ) it has developed from non-ex￣istence to existence; the relevant criminal legisla￣tion is in accord with the developmental direction of domestic terrorist crimes and the anti-terrorism situation;2 ) it has worked in concert with the anti-terrorism strategy of the UN, and performed a state party’ s duty;3) it has an obvious tendency of “severe penalty ”; 4 ) the revision of criminal law has started to be influenced by the risk concept of criminal law.
In summation, China ’ s criminal legislation and criminal policies have a positive significance in controlling the extreme nationalist terrorism crimes. However, there are still some deficiencies of the strategies of controlling crime. Hence, the following issues should be addressed in the subse￣quent legislation: 1 ) Before identifying a kind of behavior as a crime, one should judge whether the duty attached to the new accusation is a kind of ex￣cessive demand on the ordinary people;2 ) The ra￣tionality of the expected goal of criminal legislation cannot guarantee the rationality of a specific sys￣tem, therefore, the lawmakers also need to consid￣er whether the measures for realizing the goal are reasonable. 3) The deserved function of the non-criminal penalty method should be noticed, and it should be developed rationally and harmoniously together with the criminal penalty,thus a solid sys￣tem which can control extreme nationalist terrorist crime should then be constructed. 4) The guaran￣tee of human rights also cannot be ignored in the anti-terrorist legislation and criminal policies.     

中国民族间发展的多重差异格局与差别化、协同性政策开发研究——论中国民族关系的新形态与民族政策的新体系

After 60 years of implementation, the ethnic regional autonomous policy has provided basic political support for promoting the common development and prosperity of all ethnic groups. Especially since the period of “Reform and Open-ing Up” began, the national preferential policies and support for ethnic minority areas gradually in-creased, and economic and social development in the ethnic minority areas clearly speeded up. Ac-cording to official statistics, after more than 30 years of “Reform and Opening Up”, the economic growth rate of China’s ethnic minority areas is high-er than the national average. However, at the same time , the economic and social development gap be-tween different ethnic groups has become more and more pronounced. The development of the ethnic groups has created a structure of multiple dispari-ties, which fundamentally restricts ethnic unity, as well as political and social stability in ethnic areas of China. This structure of multiple disparities re-flects the imbalances mainly in four aspects: 1 ) the ongoing large gap between the ethnic minority areas and Han Chinese regions remains; 2 ) the unequal economic and social development among the various ethnic minority people has expanded;3 ) the economic gap within the same ethnic minor-ity autonomous region has gradually become more pronounced;and, 4 ) the differences in develop-ment within the same ethnic group who live in vari-ous regions of China are also very obvious. The multiple inequalities of the economic and social development of China’s ethnic groups add more complexity to the ethnic problems of China. The disparity in economic and social development between different ethnic groups is not only an eco-nomic problem, but is also a significant political issue. Hence, promoting a balanced economic and social development among the various ethnic groups has a very obvious practical significance for main-taining ethnic unity, promoting national integra-tion, and maintaining national stability . Based on the discussion above, this article mainly explores which kind of ethnic policy can ef-fectively resolve the multiple disparities found with-in ethnic development and is beneficial for promo-ting the integration of the various ethnic groups in China? On the basis of summarizing and reviewing approaches found in earlier research, the author puts forward the following core ideas:1 ) The economic and social development differences of various ethnic groups have formed a pattern of multiple disparities in China, and it is no longer simply a gap between the Han and ethnic minorities. Since the implementation of the “Re-form and Opening Up” policy, the differentiation or disparity between China’s ethnic minorities has become more and more pronounced—this phenom-enon constitutes a new challenge to China’s ethnic unity and national unification. Therefore, we must adjust ethnic policy in order to solve the “true problem” or “new problem” concerning China’s ethnic problem. 2 ) The multi-faceted disparities found in the economic and social development among China’s ethnic minorities result from many factors, inclu-ding institutional, policy, historical, geographical, cultural, and psychological. Therefore, we must realize a diversity of ethnic policy, and build a comprehensive ethnic policy system. 3 ) For the purpose of realizing the integration and state construction of the ethnic groups, in ad-dition to implementing the current policy of differ-entiation, we must also ensure a “four balanced and coordinated development”. This includes a balance between the Han areas and ethnic minority areas, a balance among the various ethnic minori-ties themselves, a balance within the same ethnic minority areas, and a balance within the same eth-nic group who live in different areas. This requires the central government to strengthen a double dif-ferentiation and collaborative orientation of ethnic policies concerning the market, labor, resources, technology, and capital.     

Abstracts about the Treatises of the Seminer

In the Tibetan calendar, the years are mentioned by a system known as Sexagenary Cycle. Inessence, it consists of the cycle of 60 years----each cycle called a Rab--byung. One of the prob-lems concerning the Chronological Tables is thus decoding this system for our understanding of theyear referred to in terms of the European calendar. But it seems important to mention here thatthere is some risk of inaccuracy in the standard practice of mechanically converting the Tibetan