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1.
This article examines the dynamics of slavery and anti-slavery in the Spanish Empire prior to the Independence of the Spanish American mainland. Rather than focusing on the Spanish Caribbean and the ‘late’ period of slavery in the second half of the nineteenth century, it explores slavery and abolition in the colonial period from an imperial perspective, using early abolitionist texts, records from the Spanish Cortes of 1810–1812, and various royal decrees pertaining to slavery. Although Spain did not abolish the slave trade until 1817, and only did so with intense outside pressure, the prevailing notion that there was no native anti-slavery movement in the Spanish Empire overlooks a more complex reality. Early anti-slavery movements were relatively quiet in the late Spanish Empire, yet outlining their contours helps to illuminate the pragmatic nature of Spanish imperial rule in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This article also shows how the development of pro-slavery and anti-slavery ideologies highlights the transatlantic nature of intellectual and political projects in this period.  相似文献   

2.
Field analysis and the relational approach to historical social-scientific explanation of which it is an instance – helps illuminate the administrative dynamics of empires. While most studies of imperial dynamics emphasize the ‘high imperialism’ of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, this article extends field analysis to a crucial case from the second half of the eighteenth century: the English East India Company's transition from a (largely) merchant trading company to a territorial power. In this disordered space of administration, officials struggling with one another for metropolitan recognition provided moral accounts of themselves which, on the one hand, explained their behaviour in terms drawn from abstract, purportedly universal social spaces, and, on the other hand, claimed credibility through a personal ‘interest in disinterest’. I argue that these moral accounts helped delimit the boundaries of and shape the dynamics within a distinctively imperial administrative field. To analyse this transformation, I suggest a synthesis of three varieties of relational analysis: Bourdieu's field theory, Fligstein and McAdam's analysis of strategic action fields, and Padgett and Powell's work on network folding and robust action.  相似文献   

3.
Boyd  Robert L. 《Sociological Forum》1998,13(4):595-609
During the early 20th century, many Blacks in northern cities entered the retail trade, supposedly because residential segregation was advantageous to Black merchants. Building upon historical studies of Blacks in the urban North and upon the sociological literature on Black business enterprise, I use census data to analyze the relationship between (1) the spatial isolation of Blacks and (2) the representation of Blacks in the retail trade. I find that between 1900 and 1930 the association between these two variables became significantly positive. This finding corroborates historical case studies, and I conclude that after segregated Black communities emerged in northern cities at the end of the study period, spatial isolation did increase the participation of Blacks in the retail trade.  相似文献   

4.
卢道典  蔡喆 《城市观察》2012,(2):110-118
关于我国的城市规划管理权限一直存在"集中"与"放权"的讨论,并且城市规划管理体制也存在差异。通过对全国部分城市的规划管理体制进行梳理,从市、区(县、市)两级分权视角总结出我国城市规划管理体制中的"垂直型"、"半垂直型"和"非垂直型"三种典型模式,分别以南京、北京和上海为案例分析三种规划管理体制典型模式的主要特点和事权划分,并对其各自的优缺点进行比较,最后提出我国城市规划管理体制改革的若干建议,包括将规划决策权"上收"与实施管理重心"下移"、建立"市—区—镇(街)"三级规划管理机构体系、整合市区两级规划部门内部机构设置形成"大处室"和"大科室"以及完善城市规划委员会制度等。  相似文献   

5.
In the years leading up to the dissolution of absolute monarchy in Nepal in 1990, resistance to political authority proceeded fitfully. Opposition to the crown gained momentum after the involvement of the professional middle class. Using Max Weber's theory on legitimate power and class, this paper analyzes the erosion of the legitimacy of absolute monarchy, the ascendancy of the professional middle class, and how one event, a peaceful forum that ended in mass arrest, created momentum for the People's Movement by transforming the political subjectivity of the professional middle class, who, in turn, helped catalyze opposition to absolute rule.  相似文献   

6.
This article offers a novel explanation of why some European democracies survived while others collapsed in pre-WWII Europe, describing historical paths which ended with establishment of either self-sustainable democracies or non-democratic regimes in the interwar period. The historical path to self-sustaining democracy began with the emergence, in the nineteenth century, of constitutional monarchies with executive power responsible to the monarch and freely elected legislatures. Such polities, without exception, became self-sustaining democracies unless the transition was achieved through regime discontinuity (as in Germany in 1918). An intermediate stage in this historical process consisted of development, in some countries, of competitive oligarchy as a transitional stage between the constitutional monarchy and democracy. If a country's political history did not follow the above-mentioned path, its initial democracy was susceptible to breakdown. This pertained to countries which transitioned directly to democracy or competitive oligarchy from absolute monarchy or other regimes lacking open-outcome elections.  相似文献   

7.
In the first, socio-historical part of the study, the main periods of Prague's twentieth century history are described and explained, i.e. the period of Hapsburg monarchy, the period of the interwar Czechoslovak Republic, the Second World War years and Nazi occupation, the 41 years of the communist regime and the years after the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe. It was a century of unprecedented discontinuities and the city and its people went through seven different political and economic orders. This kind of history makes legitimate the following question: how were the city and its residents able to retain identity and stability. Different mechanisms were used, e.g. separating culture from politics, inventing civic identity, identity linked to the locality as well as to its history and to the local ways of life, and to stress monument protection. The study hints also at the risks of such defensive mechanisms. The last part tries to exploit the experience of Prague and similar cities for stimulating the interest in urban theory.  相似文献   

8.
This article examines the long-neglected role of two royal women in the emancipation of servile labour in the empires of Russia and Brazil. It argues that the Grand Duchess Elena Pavlovna of Russia and Princess Isabel of Brazil were significant actors in the emancipation process. Gender, monarchy and emancipation created a conjuncture which enabled these women, in spite of all the obstacles, to enter into the struggle for emancipation and make a material difference to its outcome. The article emphasizes the importance of the monarchical systems in the emancipation struggle which these women used to further the cause of emancipation.  相似文献   

9.
This article documents the participation of British and Irish immigrants in an ambitious programme of naval reform in eighteenth-century Spain. In so doing, it explores their integration in their new host country in the town of Ferrol, located in north-west Spain. This town grew up around the royal dockyard which was established there by the middle of the century. In this period, the government of the Spanish monarchy actively developed a policy to attract and import foreign labour for the dockyards in order to face serious competition with foreign countries, gain supremacy over the seas, defend the country and protect its interests abroad. The migration of technicians and craftsmen from British yards to Ferrol has been often analysed on the basis of foreign experience and technology for the development of the shipbuilding industry but little attention was paid to the internal structure of this immigrant population and to the nature of the motivating factors behind these individuals's decision to move to Spain. Based on this argument, this study addresses the presence of women in this migration process, analyses the incentives for migrating and considers the role of social networks as a channel for migration and integration. These issues have been dealt with using data from primary sources which provide a more complete picture to understand this migration to Ferrol and to study the identification and adaptation of immigrants within their new social and cultural environment.  相似文献   

10.
寇大伟 《城市观察》2013,(6):49-59,69
我国城市化的发展带来了一系列影响,在这些影响下我国府际关系也相应发生了一定变化。本文在介绍了改革开放前城市化缓慢发展和改革开放后城市化快速发展之后,指出城市化在几方面的影响:城市辐射范围扩大,市县之间行政壁垒清除;城区扩大,城市管理功能分散化;小城镇实力增强,县域经济发展壮大;城市集聚发展,城市群形成。最后指出了我国城市化带来的府际关系变化:市管县、撤县改区、省直管县、城市群发展促成政府间横向协调。  相似文献   

11.
In the 1860s and 1870s, the feudal monarchy of the Tokugawa shogunate, which had ruled Japan for over two centuries, was overthrown, and the entire political order it had commanded was dismantled. This immense political transformation, comparable in its results to the great social revolutions of the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries in the West, was distinctive for lacking a major role for mass political mobilization. Since popular political action was decisive elsewhere for both providing the force for social revolutions to defeat old regimes and for pushing revolutionary leaders to more radical policies, the Meiji Restoration’s combination of revolutionary outcomes with conservative personnel and means is puzzling. This article argues that previous accounts fail to explain why a group of relatively low-status samurai—administrative functionaries with some hereditary political privileges but in fact little secure power within the old regime—was able to overcome far more deeply entrenched political actors. To explain this, it is necessary to distinguish clearly between two political processes: the long-standing political relations of feudal monarchy and magnate lords and the unprecedented emergence of independent samurai political action and organizations cutting across domain boundaries. It was the interaction of these two processes that produced the overthrow of the Tokugawa and enabled the revolutionary outcomes that followed it. This article’s revised explanation of the Meiji Restoration clearly places it within the same theoretical parameters as the major revolutions of the seventeenth century and later.  相似文献   

12.
The subject of the city in Arab art, as far as I know, has never been studied by art critics and historians. This has apparently not happened because of the strong influence of western modernism and its theories. This article uncovers the importance of the city in early and later modern Arab painting. Examples from the late 1930s and 1940s reflect the less developed cities in terms of their social and structural aspects. This is very obvious in the two paintings by Said (Alexandria, Egyptian) and Nazar (Baghdad, Iraqi). The Arab paintings from the second half of the twentieth century present a different mode of expression as the political and social circumstances of Arab countries are reflected in them. Paintings from this period by Arab artists presenting images of their cities such as those of Haddad and Jabbour (Beirut, Lebanese), Idrees (Jeddah, Saudi), Shammout (Alled, Palestinian), Talib and Al‐Attar (Baghdad, Iraqis), and Alhamzah (Utopia, Jordanian), are very expressive and loaded with meaning. It appears that the relationship between the artist and the city is so intimate, that the artist’s life intersects with the city’s life. The paintings discussed show that the Arab artists’ cities in most cases are not realized as hoped so they tried alternative ones. The artist sees her/himself as a savior by criticizing the state of the beloved city calling for a better one. In this sense the image of the city becomes a representation of the painter’s own artistic reservoir as a form of offerings.  相似文献   

13.
This article explores the reasons for the vertical expansion of cities till the 2020s by analyzing the history of urban space production for about half a century, using Tokyo as an example. As a concept, gentrification partially explains the changes in Tokyo. However, summarizing the entire urban transformation as a gentrification trend can lead to some misunderstandings. Most of the development took the form of simply rebuilding skyscrapers in limited areas, rather than the displacement of an entire class in the whole district. Consequently, the sharp contrast between island‐like skyscrapers and the densely populated small houses surrounding them became the typical landscape of current semi‐gentrified Tokyo. Instead of gentrification, “gentrification without gentry” would be a better expression for describing most cases in Tokyo. Alliances for urban speculation are always embedded in multi‐scale conditions in a globalizing world along with the inherent historical and structural constitution of the city. Through dynamic but contingent processes, a structure was constructed to promote urban development in a way that might exceed the actual demands. In the case of Tokyo, the bubble economy era and its effects, a would‐be global city ideology, mega‐events such as the Olympic Games, and expected earthquakes had a distinct influence on other common factors.  相似文献   

14.
15.
This article investigates how government intervention in land market affects China's urban development, using data from prefecture‐level cities between 2000 and 2010. We find that government intervention enlarges the impact of positive productivity shocks on housing price appreciation, through mainly the government control over residential land supply. However, we find no significant evidence that high government intervention constrains population growth and leads to wage increase. Such patterns of urban dynamics can be explained by the fact that migrant workers are the driving force behind China's urbanization, but they have limited housing demand and are not well compensated. (JEL P52, R12, H11)  相似文献   

16.
To meet the grand challenges of the urban century??such as climate change, biodiversity loss, and persistent poverty??urban and ecological theory must contribute to integrated frameworks that treat social and ecological dynamics as interdependent. A socio-ecological framework that encapsulates theory from the social and ecological sciences will improve understanding of metropolitan dynamics and generate science for improved, sustainable management of urban ecosystems. To date, most urban ecological research has focused on single cities. A comparative approach that uses gradients within and between cities is a useful tool for building urban ecological theory. We offer five hypotheses that are testable using a comparative, gradient approach: (i) the current size, configuration, and function of larger metropolitan ecosystems predicts the potential trajectory of smaller urban areas; (ii) timing of growth explains the greatest variance in urban ecosystem structure and function; (iii) form and function of urban ecosystems are converging over time; (iv) urban ecosystems become more segregated and fragmented as populations increase; and (v) larger cities are more innovative than smaller cities in managing urban ecosystems.  相似文献   

17.
The early nineteenth century was a transitional time in western Europe; from the old feudal and imperial order, modern nation states and capitalism emerged. The Norwegian nation state emerged out of the flames of the Napoleonic Wars in 1814. But changes in landed property structures in the eighteenth century lay the ground for Norwegian nationalism in the early nineteenth century. This article explores early nineteenth century nationalism through a focus on property rights and the positive view on the odesrett – an allodial right to land – arguing that an examination of the positive view on the odelsrett can shed new light on Norwegian nationalism in the early nineteenth century. Such an examination suggests that the Norwegian property structure contributed to reinforcing certain property rights element in the Norwegian nationalism where ownership of landed property and national, popular sovereignty were closely interconnected.  相似文献   

18.
对城市自来水价格调整以及价格管制政策的分析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
针对我国目前城市自来水的供求现状,真正发挥自来水价格对资源的配置作用,关键在于科学制定自来水的价格。面对近期各城市陆续进行自来水价格的调整,本文主要分析城市自来水价格调整的目的以及价格管制政策。  相似文献   

19.
Machismo, a stereotype that emphasizes hypermasculinity and associated with the Latin American male, was a legacy of the Conquest of the Spanish conquistadores and their interpretation of and reaction to the indigenous two-spirit. It was the product of the rape of indigenous women, the response to indigenous imperial ritual, and the sublimation of indigenous male sexuality. It was a response to social and religious control of the male body. As such, it is not something that is easily eradicated. Through an understanding of the complex roots of this variant of masculinity, however, it may be possible to filter out some of the negative traits and highlight the more positive. This essay examines the interactions between the Spaniards and indigenous peoples of the Americas and the interpretations of indigenous sexualities, genders, and social roles by the Spanish authorities, and how it all participates in the construction of the Latin American machismo.  相似文献   

20.
By drawing upon the insights of the Bakhtin Circle, this paper explores the extent to which the public sphere can open up possibilities for resistance to dominant social relations through ‘traces of meaning’. The author wishes to show how a public space for execution in seventeenth and eighteenth century London opened up a place at different levels of abstraction for a popular plebeian public sphere to flourish. When this public sphere disappeared in 1783, it is shown how its traces of meaning still survived in popular culture. These traces of meaning were re-combined through a royal crisis by more political labouring movements in the early nineteenth century that, in the main, unintentionally re-accentuated the same seventeenth- and eighteenth century-public space in London. By exploring the changing form of this public sphere it is shown how a dominant discourse changes over time and how this dominant discourse can be rendered in the words of Mikhail Bakhtin as ‘heteroglossic’ and refracted into modes of public resistance in specific spaces. To demonstrate this, the ideological form of the public sphere in early nineteenth century Britain is outlined and is then shown how it became refracted within the royal scandal which, in turn, came to be refracted within a specific space in London.  相似文献   

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