The Bologna Process in a global setting: twenty years later

This article considers the conceptualisation of the “external dimension” of the Bologna Process and debates around it in the light of the 20th anniversary of the Bologna Declaration. The term began to be used in the early 2000s and referred to the articulation of possible relationships between the then emerging European Higher Education Area and the rest of the world. We analyse issues related to the drafting of the Bologna Global Strategy (2007), also by taking into account less well-known policy documents, and the reactions to the Bologna Process from various global regions. Further, we critically elaborate on the thesis of the “Bologna model” and its alleged “export” to the world. We argue that this thesis is controversial and that its background should be sought in dichotomies related to the Europeanisation process, in particular in the dichotomy of “means” versus “ends” as well as the “market” versus “cultural” mission of European higher education institutions.     

The Bologna process in European and post-Soviet higher education: institutional legacies and policy adoption

This paper addresses the puzzle of the unlikeliness of the implementation of elements of the Bologna Process agenda in Europe and post-Soviet higher education systems. Following mainstream policy science theories, the policy initiative would be qualified as “prone to failure”, but surprisingly many governments took up the challenge to develop regulations and guidelines and to change the structures of their higher education systems. Looking at the adoption of Bologna process elements in various countries – east and west – I will be able to point at factors that contribute to explaining why and to what extent countries engaged with the process and hence to contribute to the literature on Europeanisation and policy adoption.     

Von Sorbonne nach Bologna und darüber hinaus Zur Ideologie derzeitiger europäischer Hochschulpolitik

The intention of the paper is to provide a critical analysis of the preconceptions that underline the “Bologna-process”. Higher education may be seen in terms of an individual’s interest in becoming an active participant or professional in civic society or, somewhat to the contrary, in terms of the interest of the business world to shape the workforce to its own advantage. In fact, both individual and business interests have been part of the educational process since the foundation of the first European universities. The so-called Bologna process seems to focus mainly on the second understanding: The primary intent of the restructuring of higher education in Europe is to support the learning, mobility and employability of university students or graduates in order to improve the competitiveness of Europe’s business economy. The reference point for discussion is a series of documents that refer to the most recent economic vision of the European Union (“Lisbon Strategy”). Key concepts of this vision and of the critical discussion include learning, learning society, lifelong learning, higher education and employability. Empirical data of a European study on university graduates are used to support the critical analysis.     

20 years of Bologna - a story of success,a story of failure

The Bologna Process is a unique harmonisation process taking place outside the policy-making framework of the European Union. It aims at enhancing the comparability and compatibility of higher education structures and degrees across Europe, as well as to institutionalise quality assurance mechanisms. The aim of this article is to provide a condensed, up-to-date overview of the Bologna Process with regard to structural characteristics, before embedding it into a discussion on processes on voluntary policy convergence and to which extent we should be able to find this kind of policy harmonisation in the realm of the Bologna Process. Related to this are questions why this, in principle, completely voluntary process of policy harmonisation, has appealed to so many countries and why they might or might not feel committed to the implementation of its policies and tools.     

Bologna – a utopy of harmony for European higher education

20 years have passed since the Bologna declaration which has deeply changed the Higher Education System not only in Europe but worldwide. This introduction gives a tour of the contributions contained in the special issue of the journal “innovation”. It argues that soft policies proved to be a mighty instrument for catching and focussing societal change and speeding it up. The worldwide shift towards policies of national interest might therefore also slow down processes of change and modernisation.     

What drives youth unemployment in Europe? Economic vs non‐economic determinants

This article explores the main determinants of youth unemployment in Europe in the period 2002 to 2014 by estimating panel data models for the 28 Member States of the European Union (EU). Heterogeneity is acknowledged by estimating models for subsamples of countries with “high” and “low” youth unemployment rates. The main results suggest that youth unemployment is more pronounced in countries with poor GDP growth, a low share of construction activity and high public debt. Reduced mobility (owing to homeownership), corruption, reception of a high level of remittances and a lack of possibilities for young people to live outside parental homes are also important factors.     

Arbeitslos oder erwerbsunfähig?

An international comparison of unemployment rates suggests a poor performance of the German labour market. Based on comparative analyses for Germany, the Netherlands, France, Denmark, the UK and the United States the paper tries to show that a more sophisticated picture can be drawn by taking additional forms of non-employment (e.g. disability, retirement or out of labour force) into account. For this purpose data from the “European Social Survey” (ESS) and the survey “Citizenship, Involvement and Democracy” collected in 2004 and 2005 is analysed. While “unemployment” plays a dominant role in Germany, people with comparable demographic characteristics and similar health status are increasingly classified as “permanently disabled” in the other countries. The results stress that an international comparison of labour market performance and especially a comparison of the effectiveness of labour market and social policy reforms should not only rely on employment and unemployment rates. Taking alternative forms of non-employment into account can increase our knowledge and understanding of functional differences of labour markets in Europe and the United States.     

Channels of Entry and Preferred Destinations: The Circumvention of Denmark by Chinese Immigrants

As globalization spread during the 1990s, and especially since the turn of the millennium, European states have increasingly claimed their right to assert their sovereignty by regulating migration at the level of the individual (OECD, 2001: 76–81). Political parties have succeeded in gaining support on policy statements pertaining exclusively to migration. For example, recent legislation in Denmark restricts the categories of persons eligible as refugees to “Convention refugees” satisfying only the narrowest international criteria set out in the UN Refugee Convention. The civil rights of asylum seekers are restricted by prohibiting marriage while their applications are under review. To limit family reunification among immigrants, the present Danish Government has even prohibited immigrants with permanent residence status and Danish citizens from bringing non‐Danish spouses under age 24 into the country. These attempts at border enforcement and immigration control have been described by some critics as the endeavours of European Union (EU) members to build a “Fortress Europe” against immigrants from developing countries. Policy decisions and the implementation of various measures from finger printing to radar surveillance to control immigrants have corroborated such perceptions, but this paper will show that gaining entry to a highly controlled country such as Denmark from a poorer country such as the People's Republic of China (PRC) is fairly straightforward. Politicians may wish to convey the impression of being in control of international mobility by launching diverse anti‐immigration acts, but since the immigration embargo of the early 1970s all EU countries have received millions of immigrants, and increasingly permit or accept immigrants of various kinds to reside and work within their borders (Boeri et al., 2002). Immigration from developing countries is not evenly distributed throughout the EU, but rather targets specific destinations. This article will attempt to explain the direction of Chinese immigration flows to Europe in response to labour‐market demand, rather than as a consequence of “loopholes” in a country's legal or welfare provisions. By analysing historical and demographic data on the PRC Chinese in Denmark, I attempt to demonstrate that, despite being a European country with one of the lowest asylum rejection rates for PRC Chinese, the scope of Chinese asylum seekers and regular and irregular migrants arriving by way of family reunification remained limited in the 1990s compared to southern, central, and eastern European countries. My analysis of Danish data in relation to Chinese migration suggest that destinations related to the globalization of Chinese migration is more determined by labour and capital markets than the presumed attraction of social welfare benefits provided by a European welfare state such as Denmark.     

Scientific Mobility, Career Progression, and Excellence in the European Research Area1

This paper explores the various aspects of mobility requirements and the relationship between competitiveness, excellence, and mobility in scientific research in the European Union (EU). The “expectation of mobility” in science plays an important role in shaping the European Research Area. Research argues that better economic opportunities and advanced migration policy in destination countries promote highly skilled migration. Empirical evidence shows that academics and researchers consider important determinants in the migration decision and destination to be the research environment and conditions, i.e. research support, infrastructures, demand for research and development (R&D) staff, and academics (Millard, 2005). While it can be argued that the European Research Area is designed to encourage the interchange of scientists, skills balance is essential to competitiveness in the European region. Despite the actions and measures taken in the context of the EC Mobility Strategy, unbalanced flows are still a weakness of the European Research Area. There is a need in Europe to coordinate science and migration policies at European and Member State level to enhance the attractiveness of European receiving countries and facilitate return of scientists to their sending nations. This paper, which focuses mainly on Austria, Greece, Italy, Portugal, and the United Kingdom, shows the uneven nature of scientific personnel flows within the European Research Area. The article argues that in Europe mobile scientists are often driven by necessity more than choice, and the longer they are away the more complicated it is to return. If the academic system proved impenetrable to return other opportunities in the private sectors might be explored by the researcher.     

Measuring employment vulnerability in Europe

Two of the most notable trends in labour markets in Europe are the rise in the number of atypical job contracts (e.g. fixed‐term contracts and temporary work) and the increase in job turnover. The concept of “employment vulnerability” can be used to describe these trends, which weaken the employer–employee relationship. In this article, the authors measure this employment vulnerability, for individual European countries, by creating two indices – an “employer‐related vulnerability index” and a “job‐related vulnerability index” – which are then aggregated to form an overall employment vulnerability index.     

The Bologna Process and the harmonisation of higher education systems in other world regions: a case from Southeast Asia

The Bologna Process has inspired harmonisation strategies for higher education systems in other parts of the world. However, developments in other contexts are not much under review in the European debate. The present article describes the case of Southeast Asia and the attempt to promote harmonisation of its higher education systems. It further compares the processes in ASEAN and the European Higher Education Area to then discuss open questions for future comparative research. To do so the authors re-contextualise data from a study in ASEAN against the background of future research needs in the field of higher education harmonisation.     

Measuring university-based research in Europe: competing indicators and underlying assumptions

Modern societies have a growing need for information and numbers for governing social life. Numbers have the ability to represent a complex reality in a simplified and linear form, easily communicated. Far from being the product of a mere technical process, numbers are the result of a process that “is fundamentally social – an artifact of human action, imagination, ambition, accomplishment” (Espeland, W.N., and Stevens, M.L., 2008. A sociology of quantification. European journal of sociology, 49 (3), 401–436, p. 431). In the modern policy-making climate, numbers become key mechanisms for simplifying, classifying, comparing and evaluating. Along with this, the fields of visibility of evaluative objects, meanings and understandings (Dean, M., 2010. Governmentality. Power and rule in modern societies. 2nd ed. London: Sage) are re-framed consistently with what Clarke, J. (2004. Changing welfare, changing states. New direction in social policy. London: Sage) terms a ‘performance/evaluation nexus’ that links effort, values, purposes and self-understanding to measures and comparisons of outputs (Ball, S.J., 2012. Performativity, commodification and commitment: an I-Spy guide to the neoliberal university. British journal of educational studies, 601, 17–28). In this paper, we focus on the field of higher education (HE), where numbers, in the form of performance indicators, benchmarks and headline targets, are frequently used to strategically orient the sector towards the objectives and goals of the Bologna Process and of the overall Europe 2020 agenda (Waldow, F., 2014. From taylor to tyler to no child left behind: legitimating educational standards. Prospects, 45 (1), 49–62). We aim to offer a comparative overview of the complex spectrum of metrics, provided at the supranational level, within the field of higher education by focusing on the European Research Area (ERA) in order to map and analyse some of the crucial issues in play. A second ambition of this paper is to move from a mapping and analytical perspective to a deconstruction of a specific subset of research metrics, with the aim of challenging the ‘self-evident truths’ and the dominant conventional wisdom that define current European metrics in order to bring into question whether they contribute to restructuring the universities’ research environments, affecting research policies and procedures. Performance indicators are posited to be‘conceptual technologies’, encompassing theoretical and normative assumptions that shape the objects they aspire to measure.     

The EU‐Turkey‐'deal': Legal Challenges and Pitfalls

The EU‐Turkey “deal”, based on the Joint Action Plan (JAP) between the European Union (EU) and Turkey, raises fundamental questions on the range of European asylum law as well as on the scope of the safe third country concept, which has turned out to serve as a political master key to “solve” the problems of the so‐called “refugee crisis” in Europe. This article discusses the legal possibilities of the application of the concept as well as its limitations regarding the human rights orientation of European and international law, focusing on the evolvement and legal implementation of the “Merkel Plan”. The legal analysis also focusses on recent ideas to make new “deals” with third states such as Libya. It concludes with a critical but differentiated(?) acclaim of the controversial externalizing policy approach.     

试论伊朗核问题对阿拉伯国家的辐射效应

2006年末,正当伊朗坚持推进其核计划时,海湾及北非部分阿拉伯国家也先后提出了自己的核研制计划,引起了国际社会的普遍关注。后冷战时代,新一轮核竞赛出现向欧美以外的其他热点地区转移的倾向:从朝鲜半岛到南亚次大陆再到中东地区,上述三个地区沿欧亚大陆的边缘形成一条弧线,使《核不扩散条约》受到巨大挑战。阿拉伯国家的核计划与核设想有着深刻的国际和地区关联性,但计划的实现也会面临诸多因素的制约,包括经济能力不足、技术水平低下、国内民众反对和大国的劝阻。阿拉伯国家谋求核技术旨在显示一种姿态,希望国际社会能因此向伊朗施加更多的压力。     

Migration and Policies in the European Union: Highly Skilled Mobility,Free Movement of Labour and Recognition of Diplomas

This article evaluates the relationship between highly skilled mobility (especially by individuals with university‐level degrees) and migration policies. Data from the European Union (EU) and Portugal (in particular) provide the empirical basis of the research. EU policies regarding the free circulation of individuals which aim to build the “common market” for economic factors (including labour) are reviewed, as are the more specific recognition of diplomas policies for professional and academic purposes, and recent levels of international mobility in both the EU and Portugal. The article also enumerates the main obstacles that, from a political and legal or social and cultural perspective, explain the low mobility revealed by those figures. Obstacles include the broad denial of citizenship rights; the necessity of assuring a means of sustenance; linguistic and technical exigencies for diploma recognition; the social attributes of work (more explicit in the service sector); and the institutional nature of national skilled labour markets. The main exception to the low mobility rule – movements of cadres in the internal labour markets of transnational corporations – together with flows in other multinational organizations, are also reviewed. In these, migrations are relatively exempt from political constraints and, significantly, avoid the recognition procedures adopted by the EU. In other words, it seems that the entry of highly skilled individuals in a transnational corporation, and not their citizenship in a Europe without frontiers, is what enables them to achieve effective mobility.     

Red Schools,Blue Schools? Republican and Democratic Student Groups at U.S. Colleges and Universities1

How prevalent are Republican and Democratic student groups, and why are some schools home to Republican and Democratic student groups while other schools are not? Some commentators and scholars suggest that Republican student groups may be less prevalent than Democratic student groups and, when present, will likely be found at “red schools” (rather than “blue schools”) in Republican-leaning areas of the country. However, other scholars argue that both Republican and Democratic student groups should be similar in their overall prevalence and located at a similar set of “engaged schools” (as opposed to “unengaged schools”). Analyzing our original database of Republican and Democratic student organizations across 1,953 four-year, not-for-profit U.S. colleges and universities, we first show that Republican student groups are nearly as common as Democratic student groups: Republican student groups can be found at 39% of campuses, while Democratic student groups are present on 40% of campuses. Employing binary and multinomial logistic regression analyses, we then show that Republican and Democratic student groups tend to be located at the same types of schools, that is, larger, wealthier, public schools that offer political science majors. Our article holds significant implications for theorizing on student organization presence more generally.     

“Allochthones” in the Netherlands and Belgium

Schematically one can distinguish two traditions related to ethnic statistics in Europe. In France, Germany and most southern European countries, the dominant statistical categorisations merely distinguish individuals on the basis of their nationality. In contrast, most northern European countries have been producing data on the ethnic and/or foreign origin of their populations. Belgium is caught somewhere in between these two traditions. The French speaking part of Belgium tends to follow the French tradition of refusing ethnic categorisation, while the Flemish try to copy the Dutch model in distinguishing “allochthones” and “autochthones.” This contribution offers an analysis of the construction of ethnic categories as it has been undertaken in the Dutch context and (partially) imported in Belgium.     

Unthinking the European Higher Education Area – differentiated integration and Bologna's different configurations

Differentiated integration was conceived of as a political methodology and as a technology to achieve a European “union” in the field of knowledge policies. However, the non-achievement with regard to the political goals of the European Higher Education Area has highlighted the limitations of this approach to promote furthering the EHEA. In this paper, unthinking is both a research strategy aiming to question those limits and a pedagogical tactic to question the assumptions about the futures. As a research strategy, articulations between unity and diversity are examined. Based on the analysis of the documents endorsed by the Education Ministers in keeping the pace of the Bologna process, the paper contributes to expand knowledge on the nature of Bologna’s differences and underlines the paradoxes in dealing with those differences. As a pedagogical tactic, unthinking questions the assumptions about the future scenarios sketched for higher education. Alternative ways to further integration are discussed on the basis of the idea of integration of the “differences”, bringing to the centre education as a political concern, as higher education institutions, professors, and students/graduates are those at the core of the political management of the “differences”.     

Academic “Centres,” Epistemic Differences and Brain Circulation

This article investigates the factors that shape how migrant academics engage with fellow scholars within their countries of origin. We focus specifically on the mobility of Asian‐born faculty between Singapore, a fast‐developing education hub in Southeast Asia, and their “home” countries within the region. Based on qualitative interviews with 45 migrant academics, this article argues that while education hubs like Singapore increase the possibility of brain circulation within Asia, epistemic differences between migrant academics and home country counterparts make it difficult to establish long‐term collaboration for research. Singapore institutions also look to the West in determining how research work is assessed for tenure and promotion, encouraging Singapore‐based academics to focus on networking with colleagues and peers based in the US and Europe rather than those based in origin countries. Such conditions undermine the positive impact of academic mobility between Singapore and surrounding countries within the region.     

Towards a (“thick”, “thin”, or “parallel”) European society? Understanding the dynamics of European multiplicity

In order to deal with the question of European society, it is useful to introduce a social-theoretical perspective that investigates the dynamics of multiplicity underlying European transformations. There are at least three co-existing routes to Europe-making that often clash with each other: “thick”, “thin”, and “parallel” Europe-making. These are in tune with definitions of Europe as an “exclusive civilizational entity”, as a “problem-solving instrument”, and as representing world society, respectively. Based on a notion of European multiplicity, this study argues that contemporary European society cannot to be reduced to a particular dynamic or to a set of actors, norms, and institutions because it paradoxically incorporates at the same time “thick”, “thin”, and “parallel” Europe-making.