New Zealand perceptions of America: The teaching of American history/American studies in New Zealand universities

New Zealand perceptions of the United States and Americans come from several sources. World War II views of the United States as the savior of that country began to change in the Vietnam War era and have worsened in the 1980s over the Nuclear ship controversy. The author has probed the teaching og United States History/ American Studies for evidence of the current state of New Zealand perceptions among university professors and their students. He contends that the teaching of United States history in New Zealand both reflects and molds attitudes about America and Americans. Study of America is popular among students. Their media-dominated views are usually changed by academic study of the states. There is evidence of differing views of America among New Zealand generations. The author maintains that study of the United States is neglected in New Zealand.     

美国族群问题及其破解对策

美国是一个多族群的国家,族群之间的矛盾和斗争充斥着整个美国历史发展过程。"二战"之后,特别是20世纪80年代以来,由于白人至上主义和极右思潮的抬头,美国族群关系更趋于紧张。然而,在前苏联、南斯拉夫这些多族群国家解体的后冷战时代,美国却能够保持相对稳定的族群关系。这主要得益于其不断完善的法律制度、多元与一体的相对平衡,以及不断改进的社会保障制度等因素。由于美国族群政策是建立在资本主义私有制基础之上的,具有不可避免的局限性,因而对美国的族群政策应重于研究、分析,慎于借鉴。     

试析美法分歧的历史由来——兼评基辛格《大外交》中对戴高乐的评述

基辛格《大外交》中对戴高乐的评价反映了美国外交学界对法美关系的基本观点,作为美国的盟国,法国的独立性源于历史上法国对美国的观感.从美国独立到二战结束,法美之间充满矛盾与纠葛,究其原因是美国对二战中及二战后法国的轻视,刺激了拥有悠久历史与文化的法国人的自尊心,激起了法国政界与民间对美国的不满情绪,认真梳理这段历史,对于我们认识戴高乐主义的实质与法美矛盾的本源或将有所裨益.     

The United States and the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895

Abstract

In the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, the United States claimed to be neutral, but was in fact pro-Japanese. Before the war, it repeatedly refused mediation requests by China and Korea and rejected Britain’s joint mediation proposal while tacitly agreeing to or inciting Japan’s launching a war. During the war, American diplomats, as wartime protectors of both Japanese and Chinese nationals, frequently went beyond the limits of international law to protect Japanese spies in China. As the only mediator between China and Japan, the United States rejected the joint mediation efforts of European powers and helped reduce international pressure on Japan. At the same time, it unilaterally convinced the Qing government to accept Japan’s aggressive demands so as to help Japan achieve its war aims. The main reason for the United States’ bias towards Japan was that it hoped to use Japan to end the tributary relationship between China and Korea in order to further open the door to China while weakening the influence of Britain and Russia in East Asia.     

Flexible public policy: The case of the United States wheat sector

This paper tests the proposition that flexible policy rules that tie program instrument settings to changes in market conditions can improve economic welfare compared to the prevailing practice in the United States of setting agricultural policy instruments at fixed levels once every 4 years. Flexible policy rules are obtained for the U.S. wheat sector using stochastic control methods. A constraint structure representing producer and consumer behavior and a policy criterion function representing society's weighting of various groups are estimated. It is shown that the flexible policy rules developed in this paper outperform historic policy instrument settings across a wide spectrum of economic conditions.     

美国的介入和亚洲一体化——基于欧盟创立及发展历程的反思

近代欧洲各国曾经战火不断,然而"二战"后却迅速走向了一体化,这其中除了自身因素之外,早期美国的积极推动也起了重要作用。与欧洲相比,近代亚洲各国却不幸沦为西方的殖民地和半殖民地。"二战"结束后,亚洲各国纷纷求独立、谋发展,然而始终难以摆脱大国的影响力。近年来,域外大国美国推行"重返亚洲"的政策预示着该国将在亚洲谋求长期存在,这是导致亚洲局势长期不明朗化的重要原因,也导致了"亚洲一体化"久久不能实现。     

Current Questions of Soviet-American Economic Relations

Peaceful coexistence is materially strengthened and expanded by the development of international economic relations. Both the prospects for and realization of detente will depend in large measure on how relations progress between the Soviet Union and the United States. Pursuant to resolutions of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the Presidium of the USSR's Supreme Soviet, and its Council of Ministers at the time of L. I. Brezhnev's 1973 visit to the United States, the Soviet Union has set itself the task of turning these relations "into a permanent force for world peace, for guaranteeing that the processes of detente now being developed will be irreversible, and for the deepening of peaceful, mutually advantageous cooperation between governments belonging to antagonistic social systems."     

和平手段掩盖下的领土扩张:日本外交中的“小笠原问题”

论及日本在近代的领土扩张时,国内学者往往将注意力集中在日本通过武力对领土的强取豪夺上。然而,标榜"文明开化"的日本为扩张自身领土手段频出,除了诉诸武力外,还通过外交谈判来满足其领土野心,小笠原群岛正是日本通过外交手段获得的领土。无论是幕末至明治初期,日本通过与英、美谈判确立了在小笠原群岛上的主权,还是"二战"结束后日本通过对美谈判实现了小笠原群岛的"复归",日本都是通过外交途径实现了疆域的扩张。深入探讨日本外交中的小笠原问题,将有助于对日本近代以领土扩张为目的外交手段的认识。     

Social and Professional Status and Political Values in Russia,Germany, and the United States

A comparison of political values in Russia, Germany, and the United States shows that while there are similarities, Russian respondents are much more in favor of government providing for people's needs than is the case in Germany and the United States. In all three countries, values vary from stratum to stratum.     

Trade, education, and innovation: Prospects for the U.S. economy

This paper examines international trade issues as vital indicators of the economic prospects of the United States and other developed economies. In particular, it challenges misuses of the doctrine of mutual gains from trade and instead argues that comparative advantage does not guarantee increases in benefits to both trading partners—especially when one partner seeks to distort the market mechanism in its favor. In the face of such mercantilist or protectionist practices, efforts to advance innovation, without retaining manufacturing jobs, will not ensure continued prosperity, as the number of jobs entailed in the invention process is small compared with the number of jobs associated with manufacturing an innovative product for mass consumption. These matters call for the urgent rethinking of trade policy by the United States and other developed nations, if they are to balance their imports and exports and ensure continued economic growth.     

美国的印度洋战略

冷战期间美国印度洋战略的主要目的是应对苏联,冷战后美国成为印度洋的主导力量,开始在印度洋地区进行军事前沿部署。近年来,随着印度洋战略地位的提高,美国提出了“印度-太平洋”概念,并强化其在印度洋的战略利益：保持主导地位、保护海上交通线安全、控制战略要冲等。美国在意识形态和经济因素的驱使下,通过军事部署和制度安排在印度洋取得霸权地位,但与英国相比,美国的印度洋霸权是“弱势”霸权。     

＂Who Are We？＂ Woodrow Wilson,the First World War and the Reshaping of America＇s National Identity

在美国崛起为世界大国的新形势下，威尔逊借助美国卷入大战和实施战争动员这一难得的时机，通过重新阐释美国的传统与特性以及利用德国作为“他者”与美国相对照，成功地使美国的自我形象与国际角色从19世纪的“共和榜样”和“自由典范”转换为“自由卫士”和“世界领袖”。威尔逊对国家身份的重塑不仅有助于当时的战争动员，而且解决了美国踏上世界舞台后的角色困惑与身份危机，为崛起的美国确立了长远的国家政策走向。他对美国理想、角色和命运的创造性阐释主导了美国人对自己国家存在意义以及美国与世界关系的理解，成为20世纪美国最有影响力的外交政策话语，对美国外交产生深远的影响。     

Improving Race Relations in Schools: From Theory and Research to Practice

Editors' introduction: James A. Banks was born in the racially segregated Arkansas delta the year that Pearl Harbor was attacked and the United States entered World War II. The justifications of war as a means to promote democracy abroad contradicted with the lived realities at home. His childhood and early teenage years were marked by private ruminations about the racial inequalities he confronted in the public—at schools, churches, water fountains, and more. The stereotypical racist images in textbooks were contrasted with what and who he knew of people in his family and community. These experiences and his early contemplations about "why were the slaves represented as being happy in textbooks?" ( Banks, 2006 , p. 2), set the stage for Banks' indelible legacy to intergroup relations. He is widely renowned as the "father of multicultural education" in the United States. In his commentary, Banks draws on this long-standing, unwavering, and deep commitment to education, equity, and justice. He explores ways in which theory and basic research can inform programs in schools to improve race relations. He shows how the articles contained in this issue, more than the majority of the existing research, grapple with the complexity of intergroup interventions. Banks stresses that interventions must take into account the diversity of participants or students; what may work for one group, say the majority group, may not necessarily work for minority groups.     

美国两洋同盟演化与当代国际格局转型的再思考

美国借助大西洋同盟和亚太同盟介入或主导了几次重大国际事件,证明了"当代国际格局多极化趋势明显"是伪命题。当代国际格局变化的两种趋势中,三支主要力量的角逐为美国两洋同盟的维持与优化提供了结构性空间;冷战遗留问题为美国两洋同盟提供了丰厚的历史根基与现实条件;美国推进全球战略重心东移,是通过两洋同盟的运行而实施的,体现了当今国际格局的变化态势;美国两洋同盟在国际格局变动中的对接与实践,深化了资本主义同盟的冷战思维。从外交方法上看,冷战思维不是国际行为体单方面能够消除的,它是行为体之间理解和认同的一种外交思维方法;单方面摒弃冷战思维外交将受到对方的困扰甚至陷入困境。     

Influence of Industrial communications on public perceptions of biotechnology

The biotech industry spends significant time and funds in confronting negative public perceptions concerning acceptance of various biotechnology‐derived products prior to their commercialization. It is generally assumed that greater public awareness of a technology increases the public's comfort level, so industrial communications would be expected to lead to public acceptance of the technology. However, this study finds that throughout the world, increased public awareness and understanding of biotechnology are correlated not only with a greater appreciation of its benefits but also with increased worries about the technology. In the United States, even though the public perceives there are significant risks associated with biotechnology, public acceptance of the technology is relatively high. This may be due to the early rapid growth of the biotech industry in the United States. The U.S. biotech industry initially played a major role in addressing societal issues associated with commercialization of biotechnology. A continuing, proactive stance on the part of the U.S. biotech industry to discuss the issues may be related to public acceptance of the technology and the disproportionate growth of the industry in the United States.     

Human rights and the allocation of foreign aid: A cross-national analysis of the last years of the Cold War, 1980–1989

Studies of conflict behavior show that states act differently based on changes in the global system. However, studies of other types of foreign policy behavior, such as aid allocation, have neglected to focus on similar system effects. This study is among the first to look at the impact of the cold war system on the relationship between recipient human rights practices and foreign aid disbursements for eight major aid donors, Canada, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Through an analysis of aid allocations to a sample of 72 recipients from 1980 to 1989 (the only Cold War years for which reliable and valid human rights data are available) this paper reveals striking and unique findings. Contrary to previous studies, it appears that recipient human rights are a significant factor in whether or not a recipient gets any aid, the so-called gatekeeping stage, but are not a significant factor in how much aid a country receives in the level stage. This paper makes three major contributions to the field. It is the first direct test of the effect of the Cold War system on the relationship between recipient country human rights and aid. It also extends this analysis to donors other than the United States. Finally, the results serve as a baseline for assessing the relationship between human rights and aid during the post-Cold War period (1990–2001) and the so-called “age of terror” (2002 onwards).     

Tasting off-flavors: food science,sensory knowledge and the consumer sensorium

Abstract

In food science and technology, understanding off-flavors has a significance with both technical and commercial implications. In the food industry in the United States, it is a widely held truism that consumers will not buy a product if they do not like the way it tastes or if it contains unpleasant flavors. But how can science determine when food is off putting, and how do scientists learn to address bad tastes in their experimental and technical practice? Based on ethnographic work with food scientists in the United States, this paper is a reflexive account of learning to taste off-flavors, a form of sensory learning that utilizes the scientist’s own body as a kind of instrument. The paper argues that a particular understanding of the consumer sensorium emerges through food scientists’ approach to off-flavors. This is an image of the consumer as a chemically receptive sensory system that is highly sensitive to compounds at trace levels. By utilizing the sensitivity of their own senses, food scientists exploit the relationship between distaste, memory and sensory perception as a form of training to produce future aesthetic memories of off-flavors that can be deployed in a technical context.     

金融危机影响下居民消费行为特征研究——以武汉市城镇居民为例

利用武汉市统计年鉴和统计信息网最新数据,对比分析2002～2007年和2008～2009年第一季度武汉市城镇居民的消费数量、消费结构、消费增长率、消费结构变动度、平均消费倾向和边际消费倾向等经济参数,结果发现受金融危机冲击,武汉市城镇居民的平均消费倾向比2007年下降了17.04个百分点,边际消费倾向大约下降了3/4,居民信心受到严重冲击。以此分析结果为基础,提出应对危机的相关措施和建议。     

美国对非援助的影响及实质评价

对国家而言,对外援助是外交活动的重要工具,关乎到与其他国家关系的发展,对外援助的议题一直备受学术界关注。作为世界上经济最发达的国家,美国的对外援助开始最早、水平最高、援助总额最多,援助对象领域分布最广,具有相当丰富的援助实践经验,研究意义重大。研究冷战后美国对非洲的援助,有利于充分认识"援助"这个议题的理论脉络和现实状况,最终为我国援助的实践活动提供理论渊源和经验教训。     

Payment of Universal Credit for couples in the UK: Challenges for reform from a gender perspective

Universal Credit has been rolled out gradually in the United Kingdom since 2013 as one integrated means-tested benefit replacing six different transfers with a single monthly payment. Previously, these benefits were awarded for distinct purposes and, for couples who claimed them, were potentially payable to different partners. Concerns about Universal Credit’s single payment include the opportunities it may create for facilitating domestic abuse, the fostering of more unequal power relations within couples, the reduction of financial autonomy for individuals, and the de-labelling of benefit payments. This article explores debates about the prospects for individual payments to partners in couples of Universal Credit as a jointly assessed integrated means-tested benefit, including different approaches emerging from the United Kingdom’s devolved governments (mainly Scotland and Northern Ireland). Whilst payment to each partner is likely to be more feasible where there are separate rather than integrated means-tested benefits, it concludes that genuine financial autonomy for partners in couples is best pursued via individually based non-means-tested benefits.