重新解读蒙古族游牧经济——《蒙古族游牧经济及其变迁》简评

在北方辽阔的草原上,蒙古族以他们特有的游牧生产方式创造了自己的历史和文明,但直到目前为止,学界从经济史的角度研究蒙古族的游牧经济的基本矛盾、蒙古族游牧经济的基本特征和蒙古族游牧经济的变迁还不够.乌日陶克套胡博士的新著《蒙古族游牧经济及其变迁》力图从蒙古族游牧经济内在矛盾出发,考察其演变的脉络及其与农耕民族的关系,具有较强的理论意义和现实意义.     

双语教育与蒙古族聚居区的“现代化”

基于教育发展水平与地区现代化发育程度的正相关关系以及多元文化背景下双语教育的流行趋势,笔者认为,大力发展蒙汉双语教育对加速蒙古族聚居区现代化进程具有着十分重大的意义.不仅因为双语教育是蒙古族民众科学素养教育的最佳途径;是维护文化生态平衡、促进"双语人"形成并进入主流文化社会的重要通道;而且还是传承和发扬蒙古族文化、促进蒙古族聚居区经济发展的巨大动力.     

从当代蒙古族与汉族的族际婚看两个民族的文化互动

由于清代以来大量的汉族移民进入到内蒙古区域,形成了蒙汉杂居的农业村落文化。本文调查了内蒙古乌兰浩特附近的乌兰哈达镇及葛根庙镇的七个村落蒙古族与汉族族际婚的状况,认为近距离的接触是促进蒙、汉族际婚的契机。族际婚的媾和及两个不同民族共同的家庭生活中,促进了两个民族在语言、节日、衣食住行等诸方面的文化包容和文化传播,两种文化的互动的过程就是当今建构中华文化共同体的过程。     

青海蒙古族狩猎文化刍议

狩猎文化是蒙古族游牧文化的重要组成部分。本文依据真实的资料 ,着力于探讨青海蒙古族狩猎文化的内容、特征     

民族睦 社稷固(六)

明太祖洪武元年（公元1368年），元朝末代君主顺帝北归长城之外。自此，边塞内外战火不断。而蒙古族以游牧为业，所需布帛、粮食、铁锅等生活用品多靠内地供应；内地所用的马牛等牲畜，多来自塞外蒙古。战争隔绝使大约两个世纪之后的这种局面有所改变。蒙古右翼土默特万户的首领俺答汗（］507——1581年）仰慕汉族先进的文化，吸收汉族人到土默特发展农业，修建城池，建筑房屋。他叫子弟学习汉文书籍，致力修复蒙汉友好。明世宗嘉靖中期起，俺答汗多次遣使至明朝要求恢复交往，贸易互市。几经波折，蒙汉之间终于和平再现，互市又开。明穆宗…     

关于蒙汉杂居区蒙生的母语教学问题

关于蒙汉杂居区蒙生的母语教学问题宝玉目前，在蒙古族青少年，尤其是城镇蒙古族中小学学生中，存在着丧失了母语或正在丧失母语的严重现象。从蒙古语教育发展的长远目标来看，这个问题已成为蒙古族教育必须研究解决的重要问题。本文拟就如何解决这一问题谈几点粗浅看法并...     

杜尔伯特蒙古族传统游戏探究——以黑龙江省杜尔伯特蒙古族自治县布村为个案

以杜尔伯特蒙古族自治县布村为个案,结合该地区生产生活背景,对村落空间中蒙古族传统游戏的特点、变迁原因以及游戏功能的转变进行了梳理分析,指出杜尔伯特蒙古族传统游戏的变迁,不仅与该地区蒙古族"从游牧到定居"的生产生活方式的变迁相关联,同时也受到了周边其他民族的民俗文化影响,是具有地域性特征的民族文化表现形式。     

论蒙古族的土地所有制

土地所有制是理解蒙古族封建社会的钥匙,学术界有私有制论和公有制论两种截然不同的观点.用西方法学概念去解释蒙古族的传统法律必然会得出错误的结论,因此,必须从蒙古族社会游牧经济的特点出发,才可以对蒙古族的土地所有制做出科学的判断.     

内蒙古牧区新型城镇化背景下蒙汉民族关系研究——以锡林郭勒盟东乌旗为例

党的十八届三中全会提出构建新型城镇化体系。本文以新型城镇化为背景,以典型蒙古族聚居旗县——东乌旗为例,分析了新型城镇化建设过程中蒙汉民族交往呈现的新特点、新问题,分析了东乌旗构建和谐民族关系主要举措、东乌旗蒙汉和谐民族关系主要原因。     

浅谈本子故事说唱活动中体现的汉文化特征

蒙古族有着历史悠久的说唱英雄史诗传统.清代,蒙汉杂居局面的不断升温,推动了蒙汉两个民族之间多方面的交流.其中汉族移民所带来的地方文化,尤其是说唱艺术对蒙古族历史悠久的说唱英雄史诗传统产生了一定的影响,使本子故事的说唱活动体现出一定的汉文化特征.本子故事说唱活动的兴起,不仅丰富和发展了蒙古族由来已久的说唱英雄史诗传统,而且又促进了蒙汉两个民族文化的交流.     

乾隆朝八旗汉军身份变化述论

八旗汉军是清朝社会中游移于旗与民之间的一个特殊群体。本文主要探讨八旗汉军建制完成至乾隆皇帝令汉军出旗为民这一历史时期汉军的遭遇命运。汉军建制完成使得辽东汉人由明王朝统治下的边民变成为八旗体系中的旗人,乾隆时期允许汉军出旗为民又使得汉军获得了选择身份的自由。在清朝统治与八旗汉军身份变化的调控与制衡中,汉军来源于汉人以及清朝统治者始终与汉军保持着的疏离感使他们最终被政府所抛弃。汉军的出旗不仅有利于八旗制度和清代社会继续有序地发展,同时在这一过程中,清朝统治者对汉军旗人身份认同中既依靠、利用,但又疑虑、排斥的趋向也得到了真实体现。     

清代至民国时期汉族移民在巴塘活动之面面观

随明清两代经营川藏线和清末川边改流的开展,大量汉族人进入四川藏区,位于川滇藏三省区中界的巴塘一时成为汉藏文化交流的活跃区域。文章从开荒垦殖、开设商户、兴办学校、汉藏通婚、帮会组织等角度对清代至民国时期汉族移民在巴塘的活动作了论述,呈现汉藏两个民族文化的交流和融合。     

土民、客人与乡绅:万历至乾隆的黄姚社会

明清时期是广西府江流域社会变革的重要阶段,导致这一变革的关键因素为万历府江僮乱的平定与清初客人的进入。本文以府江流域昭平县黄姚街为中心,将该社区的构建置于区域变动的大背景下展开讨论,力图理解在此过程中,土民、客人在具体的历史场景中如何透过变革祭祀系统、重述祖先故事以确立其社会地位。     

明清的回回宰牛业

由于饮食习俗的原因,宰牛业是回回民族的传统行业之一。然而传统的中国是以汉族为主体的农业国家,耕牛在经济中具有重要意义。文章回顾了明清两朝回回宰牛业生存发展的社会环境,对部分官员、文人对宰牛业的态度进行了述评,分析了明清宰牛业不能禁止的原因。     

西北回族对辛亥革命的贡献--纪念辛亥革命九十周年

辛亥革命 ,是中国历史上一次具有划时代意义的伟大革命 ,是一次全国规模的有各族人民参加的革命运动。它推翻了清王朝的专制统治 ,结束了我国两千多年的君主专制制度。不少西北回族革命志士同汉族及其他各族士志一起 ,为推翻帝制创建共和英勇奋斗 ,在回族人民的斗争史上 ,谱写了可歌可泣的绚丽篇章。本文就所接触到的资料 ,回顾和研究这一历史时期西北回族人民的革命贡献     

康定锅庄文化遗产价值新阐释

The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func￣tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter￣mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be￣tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur￣chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu￣tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re￣search was born from the old mindset, and pro￣posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha￣nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul￣ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur￣ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea￣ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per￣spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang￣ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re￣placement of native officials with centrally appoint￣ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in￣dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re￣garded as the most proper carrier for the communi￣cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court￣yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char￣acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min￣iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court￣yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business￣man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis￣ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re￣lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi￣tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan￣guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re￣sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an￣gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu￣ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val￣ue. If the relevant government bodies could in￣clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val￣ue , and play an important role both in the econom￣ic development and construction of harmonious eth￣nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in￣troduced to the present world and influence the fu￣ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti￣betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur￣al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re￣tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no￣tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”.     

清代：中华民族命运共同体构建的重要历史时期——以清代基层社会组织重建和社会治理为视角的考察

以清代基层社会组织重建和社会治理为视角进行考察,清代是中华民族命运共同体构建的一个重要历史时期。清朝建立后,不仅继承了明朝的政治制度和国家治理体系,也继承了明朝的基层社会治理体系,重点对宗族、保甲、乡约以及会馆等民间组织的恢复与重建予以支持,并让渡部分公权力,使其统治触角向下延伸,“皇权”也由此渗入县以下的城乡基层社会。满族属于中华民族共同体的一员,而非域外之人,因此,他们一旦取得政权之后,除了保留满族的部分政治文化和风俗传统外,更多的是在大中华文化体系中寻找生存智慧与治国理政之道。在清代,不仅汉族、满族,也包括蒙古族、藏族或回族以及其他中国境内各民族,都主动或被动、自觉或不自觉地融入到中华民族命运共同体构建的历史进程之中。正因为如此,民族融会才升华为“中华民族”这一新概念。     

鹰手三旗的后裔--对北京市喇叭沟门满族乡的调查与思考

在喇叭沟门满族乡及其附近地区,主要的满族成员均系随清朝入关并被编入内务府旗分的彭姓汉人。本文以对这一地区的几次田野调查为基础,结合清代官私文献与口述资料,稽考他们真实的来源与家世,探讨这样一个汉人群体是在什么样的社会与文化背景下,保持着认同于满族的心态,从而加深对八旗内汉军旗人身份认同复杂性的认识。调查发现,当地“满族文化”的“建构”有种种与史实难以契合之处。在改革开放的新时期,这种对文化资源的发掘与利用足以促使学者对民族史的现实意义进行深入的思考。     

清朝对新疆的治边方略述论

古代的治边思想大体形成于秦汉,发展和延续至清代.清代,力求边疆地区"夷夏一体"的思想已成为清代治边思想中的重要内容,并且直接影响了清代边疆政策的制定和推行.清朝前期在新疆地区实行"因俗而治"政策,完全是适应当时当地现实需要,在继承和发展以往各代治边思想与政策基础上形成的.新疆改设行省标志着清政府"因俗而治"的治疆理念被内地划一的治疆理念所取代,这是清代边疆民族政策的历史性转折.     

清代新疆移民屯垦政策探析

十八九世纪,清朝政府为了更加有效地管理新疆进行了有目的的移民,清朝政府在新疆的移民屯垦政策是中国中央政府上千年边疆政策的延续和扩展。在新疆的移民屯垦不仅稳固了清朝的统治也确保了我国西北地区的安全,移民实边也调整了南北疆的人口分布和经济格局,促使新疆主要民族的分布格局的最终形成。