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1.
Using a survey of Ohio and Indiana residents, we analyze the extent to which public support for school vouchers and school finance reform is structured by the same socioeconomic interests and values (equality, humanitarianism, individualism, and limited government) as is public support for contentious welfare policies. Disadvantaged individuals and individuals who live in disadvantaged communities are more likely to support vouchers but social status has a more ambiguous influence on support for finance reform. Values cannot explain the effect of social status on support for these education policies, but they exert independent effects. We speculate that disadvantaged individuals are more likely to see vouchers as in their interests than are advantaged individuals because voucher advocates have allied themselves with social movements and organizations representing clear constituencies (religious conservatives, low-income urban parents). On the other hand, we suggest that finance reform is more of an abstract issue because its advocates have mostly concentrated on intragovernmental litigation, and thus cleavages based on social status tend to be more obscured.  相似文献   

2.
农民工市民化的社会资本分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
张达 《社会工作》2012,(9):37-40
农民工市民化是实现科学发展、构建和谐社会和推进城市化进程的重要途径。从社会资本的角度看,实现农民工市民化,应增强政府社会资本,发挥人力资本与社会资本的相互作用以不断提升农民工经济地位,引导农民工进入中小城市、融入社区和加入群众组织,扩大农民工的有序政治参与。  相似文献   

3.
Social capital has captured the attention of social policy-makers and development administrators, with its emphasis on social relationships, civic participation, collaborative action and norms of reciprocity. Social funds support small-scale community-based development projects aimed primarily at reducing poverty. This article synthesizes the relevant literature and explores the nexus between social capital and social funds in relation to poor communities. Drawing upon primary research in Jamaica, the article reports the outcomes of eight social fund sub-projects that involved local organizations in community-driven development processes. It analyses the role of social networks and the influence of community power structures in social capital creation. Social policy implications of the findings are discussed.  相似文献   

4.
文化资本是影响个人教育获得和社会地位获得的重要因素。基于2008年上海市社会结构调查数据,从广义文化资本出发,分别测量父母和子女文化资本对地位获得的作用。研究发现:父母和子女文化资本存量越高,子女受教育年限越长;子女文化资本对地位获得具有显著影响;在控制性别、父亲职业等变量后,文化资本越多,越有可能进入更高阶层;教育、家庭文化氛围和文化投资对地位获得具有持续且稳定的作用;文化资本是社会下层实现向上流动的有效手段。  相似文献   

5.
Objectives. We analyze the levels of trust and social capital among an understudied group: migrant seasonal farmworkers (MSFW). MSFWs of today are likely to become the “Hispanics” of tomorrow, which means that understanding what affects the development of social capital of this group is critical to understanding how these individuals are incorporated—or not—into the U.S. polity. Methods. We utilize logistic regression analysis and ordered logit analysis to analyze a data set of 555 MSFWs and comments from four focus groups in Idaho. Results. We find that MSFWs have lower levels of generalized trust than do Hispanics nationally. We also find that MSFWs have low levels of trust toward whites and Mexican Americans. Conclusions. We argue that an ethnic community's subgroups must be incorporated into our analysis of social capital, especially when these individuals are likely to become U.S. permanent residents or citizens.  相似文献   

6.
求职过程的宏观-微观分析:多层次模型   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
梁玉成 《社会》2012,32(3):55-77
本文针对中国大城市不断市场化过程中社会资本对求职过程的影响进行了研究。笔者从新制度主义的宏观与微观的联接理论出发,使用内生互动模型作为实证分析工具,揭示了市场制度的发育具有强化市场行动主体的偏好,即市场化程度、市场不确定性和市场规范性等三个市场化制度的重要特征的发育,均具有增加个体收入的效应,证明宏观制度的演进与诱导微观个体的制度偏好具有亲和性。本文同时证明了边燕杰提出的网络作用空间的“倒U模式”假设。  相似文献   

7.
Objective. The present study evaluates whether areas with high levels of social capital are likely to have better fire service performance. Method. Utilizing Robert Putnam's 14‐measure index of social capital, OLS regression techniques are applied to objective data on the rate of unintentional fire deaths in the U.S. states between 1980 and 2003. Results. The findings show that social capital is associated with a low unintentional fire death rate, even when controlling for a range of important environmental constraints. However, the effects of social capital vary by its conceptual components. Conclusions. The study supports the argument that social capital is likely to be an important determinant of fire service outcomes, and suggests that the political engagement and social trust components may be the most important focus for public policies seeking to build social capital in order to reduce fire fatalities.  相似文献   

8.
Objective. This study investigates whether variations in democratic institutions influence foreign policy outcomes. Specifically, it examines whether democracies differ systematically in their inclination to join international organizations. Methods. The study performs negative binomial estimation analysis of the relationship between IGO membership and variations in democratic structure. Results. It finds that a more competitive party system and multiple legislative chambers, especially for wealthy and stable Western democracies, contribute to more IGO memberships. Conclusions. From our findings we infer that consensus democracies adopt a kinder, gentler foreign policy that includes more willingness to participate in multilateral, cooperative international institutions, relying on negotiation and compromise to reach mutually acceptable arrangements for dealing with common problems. This assertion fits with a fundamental Kantian thesis: that the more representative and accountable a society's political institutions are, the more peaceful that society is likely to be.  相似文献   

9.
This study examined factors associated with disaster preparedness among older adults, with special attention paid to demographic characteristics, social support, and community participation. From a larger study about disaster preparedness of persons with disabilities, a total of 719 adults aged 55 years and older were used for this study. The results of the logistic regressions indicate that individuals who have higher levels of social support and more connections to community organizations are more likely to be prepared for disaster-related emergency situations. In another model, using resource preparedness as the dependent variable, an interaction effect between social support and income was found. Overall, higher income and higher informal support are related to a higher level of resources for disaster preparedness. However, the relationship between income and disaster preparedness is much stronger for those sub-groups receiving more informal support. The findings of this study expand knowledge regarding issues of disaster preparedness among older adults and demonstrates the importance of social resources and networks. This study suggests an intervention model for decision-makers and community leaders in terms of providing information and advice to members of their communities about how to adequately prepare for natural disasters.  相似文献   

10.
刘茜  杜海峰  靳小怡  崔烨 《社会》2013,33(4):103-116
本文利用2009年“X市外来农民工调查”数据,分析来自不同组织类型的社会资本,尤其是政治社会资本对农民工留城意愿的影响。研究发现,政治社会资本比一般社会资本对农民工留城意愿的影响更大;弱关系型政治社会资本比强关系型政治社会资本对农民工留城意愿的影响更大;强弱关系兼有型政治社会资本比单一型政治社会资本对农民工留城意愿的影响更大。本文比较来自不同组织类型的社会资本,深入分析政治社会资本对农民工留在打工城市的意愿的影响,进一步延续和深入了社会资本对农民工留城意愿影响的研究。  相似文献   

11.
It has long been claimed that social welfare programmes harm economic development. These programmes, it is alleged, depress work incentives, divert scarce investment resources to 'unproductive' social services and create a large underclass of dependent individuals. Welfare reform in the United States intends to reverse these allegedly negative economic effects by requiring welfare clients to work. It also hopes to reduce poverty. This article examines these claims. It discusses the welfare reform programme and concludes that its impact on both economic development and poverty has been minimal. Policies that transcend the current obsession with work, promote sustained economic development and invest in human capabilities are more likely to succeed.  相似文献   

12.
熊艾伦  孙衔华  王子娟 《社会》2019,39(5):184-202
本文基于中国综合社会调查数据(CGSS)对劳动力市场上中间人行为进行分析,具体考察影响其分享就业信息、提供就业帮助和最终成功匹配的因素。研究表明,就业信息的分享体现了社会资本的“运作效用论”而非“地位效用论”。社会地位和教育水平较高的中间人并不热衷于信息分享,而就业帮助体现了趋异性交往原则。中间人倾向于向教育水平低于自己的求职者提供实质性的就业帮助。此外,间接关系比单一的强关系或弱关系更能预测人情资源。教育水平较低和有迫切就业需求的劳动者对社会资本依赖较大。与女性相比,男性更依赖关系渠道。企业设立固定金额的推荐奖金可促进员工分享就业信息概率,但不影响成功匹配的概率。  相似文献   

13.
This paper examines the recipients of social work support in the Millennium Cohort Study. Using panel analysis and fixed effects models, it investigates the factors that lead to the receipt of any type of social work support for individuals with young children and the effects of this support on changes in the prevalence of emotional and behavioural problems in these children. We find that divorce or separation, and episodes of homelessness are two important factors that lead to the receipt of social work support. Mothers with male children are also more likely to receive social work support. However, we find no clear evidence that social work support has any effect on changes in children's emotional and behavioural problems over time. The implications of these findings for social work research and for practice and policy are discussed.  相似文献   

14.
黄荣贵  桂勇  孙小逸 《社会》2014,34(3):37-60
本文使用社会网络分析技术探索微博空间中环保非政府组织间关注/认同关系网的结构,并结合组织间网络、社会运动联盟、互联网研究文献以及我国非政府组织管理制度来探究网络结构的形成机制。研究发现,非政府组织间存在紧密的虚拟联系。统计分析显示,组织间虚拟关系受网络自组织机制、组织资源、合适性原则(注册状态)、同质性原则(离线关系、地理位置、关注领域)和微博使用活跃程度等因素的影响。其中,资源发挥“信号”功能,是组织可信赖性的基础,资源未知者不容易被关注/认同。对于资源已知者而言,资源匮乏者更积极利用微博平台。未注册组织主动与其他组织建立关系,注册组织则避免与未注册组织建立关系。具有线下合作关系或处于同一省份的组织之间更可能建立关注和认同关系,但活动领域仅对认同关系具有影响。微博使用活跃程度也对组织间关系具有正向的影响。  相似文献   

15.
Objectives . Few studies apply the concept of social capital to labor force participation. In this research, I study the relationship between friendship networks and labor force participation as represented by employment and hours worked. Methods . I test five hypotheses representing social capital with network structure, network quality, and network diversity using nationally representative data from the 2000 Social Capital Benchmark Survey. Since this survey enables comparisons across racial/ethnic and gender groups, I am also able to specify how social capital interacts with race/ethnicity and gender to influence labor force participation, while controlling for other prominent theoretical concerns such as human capital theory. Results . I find that friendship networks are generally positively related with increased labor force participation. Further, I find significant social capital differences based on race/ethnicity and gender. Conclusions . I illustrate that social capital can be applied across a broader racial/ethnic/gender spectrum. The findings suggest that programs that attempt to bring valuable labor market information to individuals and communities lacking employment–related information are likely to be effective in reducing inequality, especially if combined with programs for developing human capital.  相似文献   

16.
This article is a study of how gay men and lesbian individuals perceive the aging process. The findings indicate that gay men have more negative views of how gay society views growing older and how they view their own growing older than do lesbian respondents. Gay men were also found to be more ageist, have a greater fear of negative evaluation by others, and give more importance to their own physical attractiveness. Implications for social work practice with elder homosexuals are addressed.  相似文献   

17.
Quantitative research has tended to explain attitudinal divergence towards welfare and redistribution through self‐interested rationalities. However, such an approach risks abstracting individuals from the structural determinants of resource allocation and biographical experience. With that in mind, this article draws on a qualitative study of 50 individuals experiencing relative deprivation and affluence in the United Kingdom and New Zealand to examine how lived experiences of inequality affect attitude formation towards welfare and redistribution. Scenario‐driven vignettes were used to stimulate an applied discussion of abstract principles pertaining to welfare and inequality. Use of this methodological device proffered novel insight into the phenomenological effects of material position on public attitudes and policy preferences in a comparative context. The findings suggest that affluent individuals are less likely to acknowledge systemic features shaping socioeconomic life. As a result, they exhibit a poor sociological imagination that is deployed in distinct and patterned ways to make sense of, and at times justify, economic restructuring. By contrast, those living in relative deprivation are more likely to advance accounts of intergroup relations and social location that emphasize the structuration of (dis‐)advantage. Based on the findings, policy and political implications are considered for welfare and redistribution amidst rising structural inequality.  相似文献   

18.
We examine fourteen stable, racially and ethnically diverse communities in nine US cities to understand what produces such communities. These communities in the context of the US experience of increased, multiracial, and multiethnic diversity in the early twenty-first century can serve as a policy model as both the US and European nations look ahead toward more diverse societies. After providing a brief history of US segregation patterns, we provide an analysis of factors related to stable diversity. We found two types of diversity. Diversity-by-direction communities, which are more likely to be black:white communities, consciously worked to preserve diversity through an array of community-based efforts. Diverse-by-circumstance communities, which are more likely to be multiracial, multiethnic communities with significant immigrant populations, have been faced with an unplanned diversity, which they are now working to preserve. Among the characteristics of stable diverse communities are the presence of: social seams linking different groups, community organizations involved in preserving diversity, public discussion of values of what produces 'good' community, and distinctive physical or environmental characteristics that continue to attract new residents.  相似文献   

19.
The purpose of this study was to investigate contributions by non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) to social capital and community empowerment that facilitate community development. A multi‐method research approach was conducted, where a number of qualitative data collection methods were employed. Data was collected from two indigenous communities, goldsmith and blacksmith, served by two NGOs—Proshika and Practical Action Bangladesh (PAB). The findings showed that both NGOs played a substantial role in social capital development and community empowerment toward community development. The findings of this study will provide valuable input to the community development field.  相似文献   

20.
Some communities act, and some do not. By action we refer to political actions that challenge existing authority, and by communities we refer to urban neighborhoods and their local voluntary organizations. By combining recent theories and research on local urban communities and neighborhoods with the resource mobilization perspective of collective political action we develop a synthetic model specifying the characteristics of local neighborhoods that affect their capacity to mobilize resources in local community organizations to engage in collective political action. Structural characteristics of neighborhoods (such as size and heterogeneity) are hypothesized to affect their ability to mobilize resources (funds and members) in local organizations. The degree of external support for local organizations is also hypothesized to affect resource mobilization. These in turn are hypothesized to affect the amount of organized political action engaged in by local urban communities. The model is tested in a secondary analysis of data from a pooled sample of 181 community organizations in neighborhoods in three cities. We conclude that structural characteristics of local neighborhoods do affect political action, but only indirectly through their effects on resource mobilization. Larger, more homogeneous local communities and neighborhoods mobilize more funds, but this in turn reduces the likelihood of political action. Smaller local communities and neighborhoods are more likely to mobilize members, however size of membership does not affect political action. In short, members do not count, and money matters—the more the money, the less the political action.  相似文献   

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