Culture,Context, or Conflict? Analyzing Union Attitudes in Six Rural Counties in Conservative Right‐to‐Work States

This study fills an important gap in the literature by analyzing the predictors of union attitude formation in rural, conservative, right‐to‐work states. Drawing on a survey of all licensed electrical workers in six counties in northern Utah and southern Idaho, we analyzed the impact of cultural orientation, job context, and perceived risk on union attitudes. We find that a conservative cultural orientation does not significantly predict union attitudes but job context and perceived risks of union activity do. Dissatisfaction with current working conditions and the belief that employers will oppose and retaliate against workers engaged in union activity significantly predict positive union attitudes. We consider the implications of these findings for scholarship on union attitude formation and for union organizing strategies in rural, conservative right‐to‐work contexts.     

Youth-adult differences in the demand for unionization: Are American, British, and Canadian workers all that different?

We examine demand for union membership amongst young and adult workers in Britain, Canada, and the United States. Using a model of representation advanced by Farber (1983, 2001) and Riddell (1993), we find that a majority of the union density differential between young and adult workers in all three countries is due to supply-side constraints rather than a lower desire for unionization by the young. This finding lends credence to two conjectures: first, tastes for collective representation do not differ substantially among workers (either by nationality or by age) and second, union representation can be fruitfully modeled as an experience-good. The experience-good properties of union membership explain the persistence of union density differentials (in this case between youth and adults) in the face of equal levels of desired representation. An earlier version of this paper appeared as Centre for Economic Performance (CEP) discussion paper dp515, January 2002. This paper was produced under the “Future of Trade Unions in Modern Britain” program supported by the Leverhulme Trust and with the financial help of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada. We thank Jo Blanden, Andy Charlwood, David Metcalf, and Steve Machin for comments on an earlier draft. We dedicate this paper to our mentor and friend, the late Noah Meltz, who passed away as this paper was being written.     

Empirical evidence on the union free-rider problem: Do right-to-work laws matter?

This study provides detailed statistics by state, industry, occupation, and worker characteristics on private sector wage and salary workers covered by union collective bargaining agreements but who are not union members. A distinction is made between those workers who value the benefits of coverage more than the cost of membership, the true free riders, and those who do not, the induced riders. A probit union membership equation is estimated on a sample which excludes the covered nonmembers. Predicted probabilities are then calculated from the estimated model, yielding a quantifiable measure of the true free-rider problem. The author gratefully thanks Barry T. Hirsch, David A. Macpherson, and an anonymous referee for their constructive comments and insightful ideas. Any errors remain the sole responsibility of the author.     

Membership and wage impact of right-to-work laws

This paper examines the effects of “Right-to-Work” laws on union membership and on the earnings of union and nonunion members. Using regression analysis, we find that once the simultaneous equations bias between the degree of unionization and RTW laws is eliminated, RTW laws have no statistically significant influence on union membership. Similarly, using a human-capital earnings model, we find that RTW laws have no significant influence on the wages of all workers, union workers, or nonunion workers. However, we did find evidence that such laws may promote aggressive union wage policies resulting in a larger union/nonunion relative wages advantage in RTW states than in non-RTW states.     

Correlates of union membership and joining intentions in a unit of federal employees

Correlates of membership and joining intentions in the federal sector, where union representation is broadly available but membership is relatively low, are examined. Key independent variables — attitude toward joining, normative influence, perceived instrumentality of joining, union activism, and satisfaction with the union — are all positively correlated with both membership and joining intentions. In regression analyses, attitude toward joining predicted both membership and intentions. Union satisfaction and activism predicted membership, but normative influence and instrumentality did not; and normative influence and instrumentality predicted joining intentions, but union satisfaction and activism did not. Other important variables include: general attitude toward unions, which predicted both membership and intentions; membership in the previous union, which predicted intentions, but not membership; race, which predicted intentions, but not membership; satisfaction with pay, which predicted (negatively) joining intentions, but not membership; and satisfaction with fellow workers, which predicted membership, but not intentions. We attempt to explain why determinants of membership might differ from determinants of joining intentions. This research was supported by a grant from the John A. Walker College of Business, Appalachian State University. The authors gratefully acknowledge the helpful comments of Paul D. Geyer on an earlier draft of the paper.     

Outsourcing and union power

The outsourcing of union work and jobs either diffuses or diminishes union membership, depending on perspective and situation. The correlation of trends in union membership to trends in union power, while less than perfect, has until recently been relatively strong over the past sixteen years. The fact that as diverse a sample of unions as AFSCME, SEIU, and UAW have chosen to make outsourcing a prominent labor/public relations issue suggests that the correlation continues to be perceived by the union movement to be significant, notwithstanding the efforts of the “new” leadership of the AFL-CIO to break that link with respect to union political power by “taxing” member unions and their members to contribute both money and militancy to the 1996 election cycle. Although outsourcing may lead only to the diffusion of union membership either within or between unions, as opposed to the diminution of union membership, this fact has not received a great deal of attention. The net effect on total union membership of outsourcing from one union employer to another union employer is unclear, although the effect on the membership of the union at the outsourcing employer is not. The redistribution of membership within a union as a result of outsourcing is likely to have little immediate impact on union power. However, as even the best case scenario presented above suggests, it may have significant long-run deleterious effects on union bargaining power by taking labor out of a sheltered market and putting it into potentially competitive market. This is particularly likely to be the case when outsourcing (1) places the outsourced work into a different industry or wage contour and (2) creates the possibility of moving from sole-source to multiplesource supplier arrangements. The redistribution of membership between unions as a result of outsourcing is unlikely to have a major impact on union power broadly defined. It can have, however, serious deleterious effects in terms of the power of an individual union, as suggested in my “competitive case” scenario. The fact that one union’s losses due to outsourcing may be another union’s gain is of little consolation to the losing union. That act, in and of itself, may make the threat of outsourcing a potential union “Achilles heel” at the bargaining table by placing it into competition with some other, perhaps unknown, union as well as possibly nonunion competition. The most obvious threat to union power comes from outsourcing that diminishes union membership overall by transferring jobs from union to nonunion employers. The willingness and ability of employers to move work/jobs entirely out of the orbit of union control constitutes, in terms of power and particularly union bargaining power, a revisitation of the phenomenon of the “runaway shop.” It may also be viewed as a proactive form of hiring permanent replacements for (potentially) striking workers. The union options in dealing with such a challenge are to endeavor to preclude outsourcing through legislation or collective bargaining or to chase the work by organizing the unorganized, hopefully with the help of the unionized outsourcing employer. Neither option may be easy, but as the 1996 auto industry negotiations suggest, the former may be less difficult than the latter. The possibility that outsourcing from union to nonunion employer may provide unions with the power to organize from the top (outsourcer) down (outsourcee) cannot be entirely ignored as the issue of supplier “neutrality” reportedly was raised in the 1996 auto negotiations. The adverse effects of outsourcing on union political and financial power, by virtue of its impact on the level or distribution of union membership, can and may well be offset by an increase in union activism—as measured by dues levels, merger activity, organizing commitment, and political action. The adverse effects of outsourcing on union bargaining power are more problematical from the union standpoint. The effect of outsourcing, whatever its rationale or scenario, appears to be to put union labor back into competition. Thus, outsourcing constitutes yet another challenge to the labor movement in its ongoing and seemingly increasingly unsuccessful battle to take and keep U.S. union labor out of competition by proving itself able and willing to organize to the extent of the market and standardizing wages in that market.     

The effect of type of union on member-nonmember wage differentials

The union-nonunion wage differential can be decomposed into bargaining and membership effects. While some analysts suggest that they are not separable and that bargaining power is a function of membership density, others argue that they are separable and that the former derives from monopoly power while the latter stems from socialization. Our results support the latter view. We derive estimates of bargaining and membership effects for workers covered by national, industrial, and craft union contracts as well as for all covered workers taken together. Since industrial and craft unions differ in structure and organization, we expect differences in the socialization effects among types of unions. It is clear from our results that union membership per se in each case gives a large positive wage advantage.     

Capacity and Solidarity: Foundational Elements in the Unionization Strategy for Immigrant Day Labourers

Recent scholarship has been reasonably optimistic about unionization as a mechanism of labour justice for immigrant workers in casual and contingent work. This optimism rests on two assumptions: (1) that unions have the capacity to absorb immigrant workers in nonstandard work and (2) that casual, immigrant labourers enjoy the kind of solidarity that underpins collective action. This paper examines these assumptions critically through a case study of construction unions and Latino immigrant day labourers in Denver, Colorado and Baltimore, Maryland. I use participant observation and in‐depth interviews with nine labour unions, 19 Latino immigrant day labourers, and two (non‐union) day labour organizing projects in the cities to examine questions of capacity and solidarity. I find that the existing foundations for unionizing day labourers may be weak in certain cities and communities. Union capacity is undermined by structural fragmentation and specialization in market segments that are inaccessible to day labourers. Strategically, in an age of de‐unionization, unions also face pressures to “add value” for employers by sorting the workforce into high quality and low quality categories. Locals indicate day labourers would likely fall into the latter category, thus precluding membership. The foundations for solidarity are similarly weakened in the cases studied. Culturally, day labourers in Denver and Baltimore emphasize self‐reliance and material well‐being over collective action and the pursuit of justice. To work toward unionization, organizers should be prepared to confront deficits of capacity and solidarity in other cities as well, especially those where homelessness is prevalent among day labourers, where immigrant populations are newly arrived, or where local union cultures are unreformed. I suggest that union collaboration, a cooperative type of occupational unionism, and commitments to training day labourers may help boost union capacity to absorb day labourers, while the creative use of material incentives should figure prominently in organizing strategies.     

Involvement with unions,union belief perspectives,and desires for union membership

This article addresses two theoretical problems associated with models of desires for union membership. First, does union involvement influence desires for membership by (1) locating unions in the routines of everyday life and thus engendering habitual desires for membership or (2) by shaping general beliefs about unions and, thus, creating ideological desires for membership? This study of the working class in Hamilton, Ontario supports both explanations, although the path of influence through beliefs is stronger. Second, why do a number of general union beliefs have net effects on desires for membership? This study finds that different types of beliefs are salient for different groups of workers. Therefore, a wide range of general beliefs must be considered if the desires for union membership of a diverse population are to be adequately predicted.     

Heterogeneity and union membership determination

This paper formalizes theoretical and empirical analyses of the determination of union membership. It is argued that an important (and usually ignored) consideration affecting the union status of workers is the externalities between (potential) union members: The gain a worker derives from unionization is affected by the characteristics of the workers who already belong to the union, and the gain union members derive from admitting an additional worker to membership depends on that worker’s characteristics. Thus, two conditions must hold if a worker is to join a union: (1) unionization should increase his wage, and (2) union members must benefit from adding him. The main implication of this analysis is that in a given industry/occupation a union is more likely to form among workers withlower rents. To test this proposition, I present an empirical analysis using data from the May 1979 Current Population Survey (CPS) Public Use Sample. A procedure for measuring worker’s rent is discussed and certain relationships between rent and union membership are identified. I am most indebted to Finis Welch for many valuable comments and suggestions throughout the preparation of this study. I have also benefited from comments made by Mark Killingsworth, Kevin Murphy, Mark Plant, the editor of this journal, and an anonymous referee. The generous availability of the computer facilities at Unicon Research Corporation is appreciated.     

UNIONS, PLANTS, JOBS, AND WORKERS

The relationship between unions and their members is an important, yet neglected, subject in recent studies of the sociology of work. This study develops and tests a theory of union satisfaction and participation that combines recent research in the sociology of work with previous explanations of union satisfaction and participation provided by industrial relations researchers, in an attempt to understand the relationship between unions, plants, jobs, and workers in U.S. manufacturing industries. This theory predicts that union members will be satisfied with their unions and participate more in them if there are extensive ties between workers, employers, and unions. These ties stem from the focus of labor/management relations in particular, and class struggles in general, on market outcomes and the historical linkage of union membership with employment in the United States. The theory also predicts that unions them-selves act as ties to specific work settings and that union participation is a forum for voicing dissatisfaction with specific characteristics of workers' jobs. Testing these predictions is complicated by contradictory nature of the structure and organization of work in advanced industrial societies. The analysis provides qualified support for this theory, with data drawn from more unions, plants, and union members than have been used to date. In addition to discussing modifications to the theory and analysis presented here, the study includes a discussion of its implications for the future of unionization and the organization of work, in light of declines in union membership, increased efforts to decertify unions and resist union organizing efforts, and deindustrialization in the United States.     

Union Organizing and Labor Outreach in the Contemporary United States

Despite their long decline, labor unions increasingly find themselves in the news. From the spirited debate over income inequality, to fights over minimum wage and the unlikely mobilization of fast food workers at the very bottom of the American labor market, labor issues are of great public interest. In this article, I review scholarship on contemporary union organizing and outreach activity. This work suggests that while innovative organizing and outreach strategies, sometimes lumped together under the rubric of “social movement unionism” and “alt‐labor,” are demonstrated to be effective in advancing union causes, only a handful of unions appear to have the will and resources to utilize them. Moreover, while the implementation of new organizing and outreach strategies has been uneven and has not boosted union membership nationally, organized resistance to unions, from court rooms to state legislatures, has increased substantially.     

The (Parlous) State of German Unions

We trace the profound decline in German unionism over the course of the last three decades. Today, just one in five workers is a union member, and whether this degree of penetration is consistent with a corporatist model built on encompassing unions is now moot. The decline in union membership and density is attributable to external forces that have confronted unions in many countries (such as globalization and compositional changes in the workforce), to some specifically German considerations (such as the transition process in post-communist Eastern Germany), and to sustained intervals of classic insider behavior on the part of German unions. The "correctives" have included mergers between unions, decentralization, and wages that are more responsive to unemployment. At issue is the success of these innovations. For instance, the trend toward decentralization in collective bargaining hinges in part on the health of that other pillar of the dual system of industrial relations, the works council. But works council coverage has also declined, leading some observers to equate decentralization with deregulation. While this conclusion is likely too radical, German unions are at the crossroads. We argue that if they fail to define what they stand for, are unable to increase their presence at the workplace, and continue to lack convincing strategies to deal with contemporary economic and political trends working against them, their decline may become a rout.     

Paying dues to the union: A study of blue-collar workers in a right-to-work environment

Of the 39 states that permit some form of public sector collective bargaining, union security agreements are prohibited in 19. Employees may join and pay dues to the union representing them in these states but they are not required to do so. This study of 372 state government workers compares union dues-payers and non-dues-payers on a variety of personal, positional, economic, and noneconomic variables. Workers who were exposed to more physical danger and less noise were more likely to be dues-payers; higher seniority workers and skilled craftworkers were more likely to pay dues. Results suggest that union voting and union dues-paying have different antecedents. They also raise questions about the generalizability of previous dues-paying research to blue-collar settings. Holding a union card in a right-to-work environment seems to have little to do with the traditional collective pursuit of economic power.     

Unions as value-adding networks: Possibilities for the future of U.S. unionism

VII. Conclusions The decline in private sector union density in the U.S. coincided with increased innovation at the local level. One trend in particular, value-adding unionism, may offer some hope for those who believe that workers, the economy, and the nation benefit from strong, independent trade union movement. Unions that can add value to firm performance while at the same time fulfilling their responsibilities to represent the collective and individual interests of their membership have greater appeal to potential union members seeking opportunities for both representation and participation. Since they add economic value to firms, they may also reduce the level of managerial resistance that we have seen in recent history. Farber and Western (2001) argue that the overall U.S. decline in union density is almost entirely due to falling employment in unionized firms and increases in nonunion firms. This value-adding approach offers one strategy to preserve and expand union employment in firms where it is already established, thus slowing or reversing the decline. Moreover, as structural changes in the economy have led to shifts away from sectors with high levels of union density, they have at the same time put a premium on the ability of firms to respond quickly to changes in the marketplace and the competitive environment. Value-adding unions can provide the infrastructure for organizational networks that facilitate the communication and coordination necessary to adjust to such changes. Thus, new forms of representation that provide unions and their members with greater opportunities in decision making, management, and governance can add value to both management and labor. I thank Charles Heckscher and Bruce Kaufman for comments on earlier drafts of the paper and the National Science Foundation, Rutgers University, and MIT for financial support.     

Social Movement Endurance: Collective Identity and the Rastafari

In this paper we argue that a movement's longevity depends on its ability to develop and sustain a strong sense of collective identity. We investigate social movement endurance by examining the Rastafari, whose membership is comprised primarily of disadvantaged Jamaicans of African descent. While many social movements fade after a short-lived peak, the Rastafari not only has persisted, but it also has become globally important. Despite its radical posture and its perceived threat to the Jamaican established order, the movement has prevailed for more than six decades. On the basis of a number of concepts derived from different theoretical traditions in social movement theory, we examine the dynamic processes involved in the construction of collective identity among the Rastafari. We are particularly interested in the concepts of "cognitive liberation,""movement culture/boundary structure," and "the politics of signification." These concepts allow us to describe and analyze the key dimensions of the Rastafarian collective identity. This framework, we argue, enhances our understanding of collective identity as well as the processes contributing to social movement longevity.     

Unity and Diversity: Challenges to an Expanding Canadian Autoworkers' Union*

Afin d'enrayer la chute du nombre de leurs adhérents, les syndicats élargissent leur base en procédant à des réorganisations et en fusionnant avec d'autres syndicats. Prenant comme exemple le syndicat des Travailleurs canadiens de l'automobile (TCA), cet article montre que, pour tirer parti de leur base élargie, les syndicats doivent soutenir les demandes diverses et opposées de leurs membres tout en créant une unité interne. Au fur et à mesure que les syndicats recrutent des membres dans de nouveaux groupes de travailleurs, ces défis sont de plus en plus difficiles à relever. L'identité collective et la structure organisationnelle des syndicats sont des facteurs décisifs lorsqu'il s'agit de déterminer les critères d'intégration des nouveaux membres. L'article conclut que le TCA s'est engagé dans une restructuration organisationnelle et culturelle hâtive et hasardeuse, qui, à l'avenir, pourrait l'empêcher de mobiliser le soutien de ses membres en vue d'atteindre ses objectifs. In response to declining memberships, trade unions are expanding their membership base by organizing the unorganized and by merging with existing unions. Through an examination of the Canadian Autoworkers' Union, this paper argues that to reap the benefits of greater size, unions must be able to represent the diverse and competing claims of their expanding membership while at the same time being capable of building internal unity. These tasks become more difficult as unions seek membership among new groups of workers. The paper argues that unions' collective identity and organizational structure are critical factors in determining how new union members are brought into a new union. The paper concludes that the CAW has embarked on a rapid and uneven course of organizational and cultural change, the result of which could be future problems for the CAW in mobilizing collective support for its goals.     

The Political and Civic Lives of Public Sector Workers: Unions and “Public Service Motivation”*

Public sector employees are highly engaged in civic and political life, from voting to volunteering. Scholars have theorized that this political activity stems from “public service motivation,” or the selection of publicly oriented individuals into public work. We build on this work by analyzing the role of public sector unions in shaping participation. Unions are central mobilizing organizations in political life, and one in three public sector workers are unionized. Special supplements of the Current Population Survey provide data on various forms of participation, sector, union membership, and union coverage. Logistic regressions find that unionized public sector workers have much higher odds of engaging in a range of activities compared to non‐union public workers, including protest, electoral politics, and political communication. Union membership impacts service work to a lesser extent, suggesting that unions are more central to political lives. These findings have implications for the consequences of union decline, including the class, race, and gender composition of who participates in democratic life.     

<Emphasis Type="Italic">Si,Se Puede</Emphasis>: Organizing Latino Immigrant Workers in South Omaha’s Meatpacking Industry

Faced with declining union membership and a growing immigrant workforce, the US labor movement has started to realize the importance of organizing immigrant workers. Yet the conventional wisdom among many within the movement is that immigrant workers are “unorganizable.” Based on a case study of a collaborative effort between the United Food and Commercial Workers Union and Omaha Together, One Community to organize an estimated 4,000 Latino immigrant meatpacking workers, I demonstrate not only the “organizability” of immigrant workers, but also the fact that they have been organizing themselves, with the help of a community-based organization, in the absence of union efforts. This case study suggests that in order to facilitate successful organizing campaigns among immigrant workers, unions need to reach out to community-based organizations and institutions that have established relationships with immigrant workers.