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1.
The punitive turn in criminal justice policy, epitomized by policies like three-strikes, truth in sentencing, and mandatory minimums, is often attributed in part to demand for harsher criminal justice responses from an increasingly punitive public. It has been argued that public opinion, known to be both largely uninformed and often misunderstood, might both indirectly and directly affect policy. This survey article on punitiveness in public opinion opens with a discussion of competing depictions of the nature of the relationship between a punitive public and increasingly punitive criminal justice policies. The article then focuses on some of the most influential explanations for variations in punitiveness within individuals and across groups. A review of what we know about public attitudes toward punishment and a brief explanation of how we know what we know (e.g. the methodologies by which we gauge public opinion) follow. The article concludes with the observation that as methodologies continue to improve and the literature in this area continues to grow, so too does our understanding of punitive public opinion in all of its complexity.  相似文献   

2.
This paper argues that carnivalesque protest comprises a particular genre of activist public relations which articulates conflict with, and resistance to, dominant discourses on controversial issues. A case study of the New Zealand group Mothers Against Genetic Engineering illustrates how the carnivalesque, by promoting community relationships and influencing public opinion through values of affect, can open up new spaces for public dialogue about social issues. It is argued that carnivalesque protest challenges the notion that collaboration should be a core professional value of public relations practice.  相似文献   

3.
In recent years, public opinion towards gambling has become a more important factor in shaping public policy. Using a national public opinion survey conducted in Australia in 2011, this paper examines public opinion towards gambling in general and towards the government regulation of gambling in particular. Australia is an important case study because of the internationally high prevalence of gambling among the public, combined with a strong regulatory framework. Public opinion is measured by a reduced form of a scale first developed in Britain. The results confirm the generally negative views that the public holds towards gambling, which have been found internationally. In addition, the Australian public is open to the introduction of further restrictions on gambling. Overall, the public views the liberalization of gambling as having moved as far as most citizens find acceptable; to meet public expectations, future policies need to address more adequately the negative social consequences associated with problem gambling.  相似文献   

4.
This study examines the relationship between age and changein public opinion on various types of political questions, usingevidence from repeated cross-sectional surveys conducted inCalifornia between 1960 and 1970. The supposed connection betweenage and resistance to change may be the exception, not the rule.Age was found related to opinion stability only on partisanquestions. In other areas of public opinion, except on questionswhich produced age-related cleavages in the electorate, changesoccurred equally in older and younger age groups. Politicalsocialization during adulthood may be largely confined to thoseorientations which serve as guides to political action.  相似文献   

5.
This paper compares letter opinion (opinions expressed in publishedletters-to-the-editor) with public opinion on ERA. Prior researchhas suggested that letter opinion is biased by atypical letterwriters or by newspaper editorial policies which are used toselect letters for publication. Drawing on a national sampleof 92 daily newspapers, no substantial difference between letteropinion and public opinion on ERA is detected. Little supportis found for the hypothesis that newspaper policies bias letteropinion.  相似文献   

6.
Public opinion is often described as a powerful force in penal policymaking in the USA. Unfortunately, research on public opinion in penal policymaking has been limited by inattention to a number of important variables: definitions of public opinion, individual and interpersonal constructions of public opinion by political leaders themselves, state differences in historical contexts and political cultures regarding public engagement and political influence, and diversity in the roles of public opinion at different levels of government. This paper considers current dilemmas in this area of inquiry and reviews recent research in order to highlight potentially fruitful new directions for research.  相似文献   

7.
聚焦权利和权力这对政治学的核心概念,将大学生对权利和权力的认识于网络舆情中予以考察,并集中对10个舆论案例的文本进行了实证研究。分析了大学生在网络舆论表达中的话语特征,指出互联网已在一定程度上改变了大学生政治认同的固有机制,即政治认知的媒介化、政治情感的宣泄化和政治行为的虚拟化。思想政治教育工作者要重视网络舆论对大学生政治认同的影响,及时做好网上和网下的引导工作。  相似文献   

8.
This study attempts to identify stimuli that produce changes in death penalty opinions and to determine whether public commitment to a death penalty opinion has an effect on that opinion. Consistent with previously reported findings, the results of this study suggest that public commitment has a substantial inhibitory effect on opinion change. Reasons for both changing and maintaining death penalty opinions are provided, and the implications of the research are discussed.  相似文献   

9.
The current study seeks to extend the network paradigm in public relations research by exploring the role of online opinion leaders in Twitter conversations around anthem protests by prominent athletes. The aim of the study is twofold: (1) identify opinion leaders involved in Twitter conversations related to anthem protests by Colin Kaepernick and Megan Rapinoe, and (2) further understand how and why social media users participate in conversations online about controversial subjects. The study combines social network analysis with in-depth interviews to adopt a more holistic framework for studying online opinion leadership in the context of public relations research. Ultimately, results from this study extend the network paradigm in public relations by examining the role of individual users in the construction of the discursive landscape around issue networks. Additionally, findings suggest that online opinion leaders should be differentiated from social media influencers in public relations scholarship as they reflect the movement away from Homo Economicus toward Homo Dialogicus (Kent & Taylor, 2016) and their capacity to facilitate the formation of publics and counterpublics around particular issues.  相似文献   

10.
The campaign of the Committee on Public Information (CPI) was an ambitious attempt by the U.S. government to influence public opinion. More importantly, the CPI contributed to the evolution of public relations through its use of basic principles of effective communication including unity of voice, message simplicity, and source credibility. The committee's campaign encouraged citizens to be stakeholders in their government and heightened their sense of community. The work of the CPI followed a period of unrest between industrialists and journalists and was an important link between the recognition of the need for public relations services and an understanding of the means through which public opinion is crystallized.  相似文献   

11.
《Public Relations Review》2005,31(3):323-332
This article discusses the practice of public relations in the Arab World. It looks at the major problems it encounters such as misconceptions, confusion in tasks and prerogatives, lack of professional manpower, and the absence of a culture of democracy, transparency and public opinion. Public relations is still looked at as a tool for the organization to foster its image through public information, publicity and propaganda. Planning and research are badly missing mainly in public sector organizations. In spite of these drawbacks, public relations is the profession of the future in the Arab World. It is growing and expanding rapidly in all sectors of life. Arab countries need public relations to meet the challenges of democracy, public opinion, civil society and globalization.  相似文献   

12.
随着互联网时代的到来,网络语境下当代青年的爱国主义教育缺失日渐凸显,在部分青年群体中存在潜在的网络极端化爱国主义舆论倾向。分析发现:从问题的出现或偶然性事件的刺激到多数个体发表的评价性意见,再到"群体极化"现象的出现,最终极端化爱国主义舆论在互联网上广泛传播是网络极端化爱国主义舆论的基本形成机制。如此网络极端化爱国主义舆论不可避免地对国家、社会、制度和青年自身产生一系列的危害。网络语境下当代青年的爱国主义引导是新时期爱国主义教育的重要课题:应该正视青年的爱国情感,加强爱国主义教育;立足祖国长远利益,培养青年的理性爱国情感;增强舆论引导,减少青年非理性情绪的蔓延,对青年的网络极端化爱国主义舆论进行积极有效的引导。  相似文献   

13.
Using an experimental design built around a single media event, the authors explored the impact of the media upon the general public, policy makers, interest group leaders, and public policy. The results suggested that the media influenced views about issue importance among the general public and government policy makers. The study suggests, however, that it was not this change in public opinion which led to subsequent policy changes. Instead, policy change resulted from collaboration between journalists and government staff members.  相似文献   

14.
Scholars argue that public opinion grew in importance duringthe Vietnam conflict, yet most find President Johnson was notresponsive to public opinion during the War. We amplify thesetheories by demonstrating the practical value of public opinionmail sent to the White House on Vietnam, reshaping theoriesabout the constraining role of public opinion in foreign policy.We find that the White House mail, but not opinion polling,favoring escalation of the War had a significant and positiveimpact on President Johnson's policy rhetoric. From these andsimilar findings, we conclude that the Johnson Administrationfollowed core "hawkish" political allies (those individualsdesiring a rapid escalation and quick end to the war) ratherthan those approving of a withdrawal, suggesting mail-gaugedopinion from electoral partners (and core political allies morebroadly) has value in foreign policy making.  相似文献   

15.
Colonial governmentality in India reconstituted the public sphere. New political rationalities that constituted modern governmental power and the liberal technologies of government effected a new conception of economy and society. Governmentality's governance of colonial conduct in an improving direction socialized native public opinion to question the legitimacy of the colonial covenant. As native opinion against colonial rule sharpened, colonial liberalism had often to make a volte-face of its liberal principle and was forced to suppress public opinion. Gandhi alone sought to overturn colonial governmentality and in doing so, provided a conception of public opinion that could transcend the limits of liberal reason.  相似文献   

16.
Colonial governmentality in India reconstituted the public sphere. New political rationalities that constituted modern governmental power and the liberal technologies of government effected a new conception of economy and society. Governmentality's governance of colonial conduct in an improving direction socialized native public opinion to question the legitimacy of the colonial covenant. As native opinion against colonial rule sharpened, colonial liberalism had often to make a volte-face of its liberal principle and was forced to suppress public opinion. Gandhi alone sought to overturn colonial governmentality and in doing so, provided a conception of public opinion that could transcend the limits of liberal reason.  相似文献   

17.
Public opinion data about consumer buying intentions have provento be reliable indicators of future economic trends. This demonstratesthe advisability of including well-informed public opinion datain public policy planning. This introduction and the three essaysthat follow are based on a panel on "Taking the Pulse of theEconomy: A Fresh Look at Economic Indicators", which was presentedat the 1981 Annual AAPOR Conference.  相似文献   

18.
This study examined pluralistic ignorance in the context of conflicts between Hong Kongers and mainland Chinese in Hong Kong. This focus differs from past studies, which have mainly explored in-group pluralistic ignorance regarding whether people could correctly perceive the opinions of others who belonged to the same social group as they did. The present study investigated whether people could correctly perceive the public opinion of a collective to which they did not belong. Using two representative samples of mainland Chinese students and local students from three universities in Hong Kong, this study found that mainland students overestimated the local public’s unfavorability regarding Chinese mainlanders and the Chinese government. This overestimation was found to be positively associated with their attention to media content about the Sino–Hong Kong relationship and the extent to which they perceived the pertinent media content to be biased toward Hong Kong but negatively associated with their interpersonal communications with Hong Kongers about issues regarding the Sino–Hong Kong relationship. The overestimation of the local public’s unfavorability of Chinese mainlanders and the Chinese government reduced the willingness of mainland students to stay in Hong Kong for further study, work, or domicile. Based on the findings of this study, further research on pluralistic ignorance is recommended in order to determine how migrants perceive the mainstream opinion in the society to which they migrate.  相似文献   

19.
This paper analyses the way in which a particular newspaper report constructs ‘public opinion’ based on data from small‐scale qualitative research. Using as a case study a report of a focus group discussion of Clinton's grand jury testimony, we show how these data are ‘worked up’ as representative, generalisable, and valid. By capitalising on the advantages of focus group data, while attending to and countering their disadvantages, the newspaper report is able to suggest that the views of ten people in San Francisco offer an authoritative indication of public opinion about Clinton across the USA. Finally, we sketch out some of the implications of this case study in relation to the construction of facticity more generally.  相似文献   

20.
It is only in the last twenty years that there has appeared a field of civil organisations with a significant degree of autonomy from both state and church. But there are trends pointing to changes in the centralising, authoritarian tradition in government policies towards the non-profit sector in Brazil. This is occurring in parallel with the creation of conditions for change in this sector's negative image in public opinion. While, on the one hand, private social welfare organisations currently appear to public opinion in the worst possible light, being seen to be at the centre of the political crisis triggered by revelations of corruption, on the other hand there is a strong climate of moralisation and institutional democratisation which may favour them in the immediate future. More transparent policies for government collaboration and public control in this area appear to be a major outcome of this process. Questions of the democratisation (or deprivatisation) of the state, the need for institutional reform, and the constitution of a public sphere have been raised at the centre of debates around the role of these civil organisations in Brazil, now and for the future. This article was written prior to the inauguration of Fernando Henrique Cardoso's government in 1995. This has engaged in even more dialogue with civil society organisations than the previous government.  相似文献   

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