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1.
当代国外恐怖主义理论研究述评   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
“9 1 1”之后 ,关于恐怖主义的理论研究得以拓展和深化。什么是恐怖主义 ?其性质和根源何在 ?国外右翼主流和左翼学者提出了对恐怖主义的概念、性质和根源的不同理论解说 ,并基于此阐述了对反恐的合法性根据和反恐方式的不同见解。国外左翼在支持反恐的同时 ,反对将一切武装斗争归入恐怖主义的范围 ,重视研究全球化中的不平等与当代伊斯兰恐怖主义之间的关系 ,要求从解决贫困入手走反恐的治本道路  相似文献   

2.
于阳  刘晓梅 《社科纵横》2011,(11):76-78
在对东北亚地区俄罗斯、日本、韩国、中国等四国反恐立法进行管窥的基础上,在借鉴上海合作组织成功构建反恐怖主义区域性法律框架的前提下,对东北亚地区开展反恐合作提出了初步构想。东北亚地区各国应进一步完善国内反恐怖主义立法,尽快签署并批准《东北亚地区打击恐怖主义公约》,尽快建立联合反恐机构。同时,各国还应特别注重反恐怖主义立法保护的早期化。  相似文献   

3.
国外关于世界环境组织的研究   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
近年来 ,全球环境问题日趋严重 ,引起了国际社会的广泛关注。国际学术界的大量研究指出 ,全球环境治理中存在着治理体制分散 ,治理资源缺乏 ,国际环境治理决策执行不力 ,贸易争端与环境议题相互纠缠等问题 ,应当对现行全球环境治理体制进行改革。许多人因此提议创建一个新的国际环境管理机构———世界环境组织———以解决这些问题和扭转全球环境质量恶化的倾向 ,并运用全球公共品和跨国外部性等概念对创建世界环境组织的提议进行了理论论证。本文对上述研究进行了简要介绍 ,并指出中国学术界加强国际环境管理问题 (包括世界环境组织 )研究的必要性。  相似文献   

4.
在反恐战争中 ,私营企业系统发挥着重要作用 ,却没有得到广泛的称赞。一开始 ,国防部长唐纳德·H .拉姆斯菲尔德就用生动的语言解释了在反对全球恐怖主义网络的斗争中商业的作用 :“毫无疑问 ,就像沙漠迷彩服一样 ,这场冲突的制服将是银行家的斜条文服加程序员的休闲服。”商业可以采取多种形式发挥作用 ,但在许多方面产生的效果通常是间接的。商业的第一个任务就是帮助切断流向恐怖分子的资金。切断资金流动  在许多国家 ,大量的银行和其他一些金融机构都卷入了与恐怖主义有关联的金融活动。虽然各类国际恐怖主义组织使用的只是相当少的…  相似文献   

5.
国际核恐怖主义是当今乃至以后国际社会面临的一项严重的非传统安全威胁.国外学者一般认为,防范国际核恐怖主义需要阻止核武器与可用的辐射材料被潜在的核恐怖主义组织和恐怖分子掌握.据此,又提出了威慑范式、“三无原则”以及加强国际合作和情报共享等防范国际核恐怖主义的具体措施和建议.本文认为,防范核恐怖主义要根除恐怖主义产生的土壤,标本兼治、综合治理、多元预防.  相似文献   

6.
《青岛画报》2011,(6):62-65
当地时间5月1日,美国总统奥巴马在白宫发表了约9分钟的讲话,宣布美军击毙本·拉登。本·拉登,这个和"恐怖主义"如影随形的名字,曾一次次牵动世界的目光和神经。他的死亡,对国际反恐斗争而言,无疑是个重大事件。  相似文献   

7.
九一一事件后 ,南亚国家作为反恐战线的前沿 ,积极发展与美国的军事合作关系。同时 ,美国为了打击恐怖主义 ,也积极抢占南亚这一反恐战线前沿 ,并参与和协助南亚诸国反恐。一、印美军事合作迅速升温九一一事件后 ,由于印度对美国打击恐怖主义采取了不遗余力的支持政策 ,美国也因此解除了 1998年以来对印度实施的军事制裁。从此 ,一度在冷战时期疏远的两国关系 ,尤其是军事合作关系迅速升温。用美国太平洋司令部总司令丹尼斯·布莱尔的话说 ,现在印美两国在安全和军事合作方面几乎达到了“前所未有”的程度。(一 )防务接触频繁 ,军事对话加强…  相似文献   

8.
保守主义思潮涌动下的美国霸权外交   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
保守主义在美国的回潮并得势,深刻地影响甚至制约了布什政府外交思维方式,表现于布什班子对美面临的国际安全环境的判断比克林顿政府要严峻得多。“9·11”更使得清除恐怖主义现实威胁为压倒一切的“新生使命”的共和党政府,在反恐外交方面尽显强硬倾向。保守主义思潮涌动下的霸权外交会当然会兼顾反恐与谋霸的关系,建立一个美国主导的“新世界秩序”才是新世纪霸权战略的核心目标。  相似文献   

9.
郭世杰 《创新》2011,5(3):27-30,126,127
当前,恐怖主义犯罪活动不论是在数量和范围上,还是在作案手段上都达到了前所未有的频繁和恐怖程度。它对普通国民的健康心理造成了不可估量的创伤;使公共权力的正常运转出现中断或弱化,从而削弱国家对社会的控制能力;滋生异于主流价值观的犯罪亚文化。因此,在普遍加强对其政治控制与军事打击力度的同时,有必要将其上升到法律规制层面,运用法律手段来解决恐怖主义犯罪活动问题。  相似文献   

10.
由于中亚毗邻国际安全威胁--特别是恐怖主义威胁--的发源地,因此在这里形成了一个国家安全和反恐服务的市场.各种势力在这个市场上活动和竞争.在此条件下,乌兹别克斯坦面临着十分复杂的地缘政治困境,其与俄罗斯和美国的战略合作就具有特别的意义.  相似文献   

11.
Breakthroughs in the global governance of terrorism depend mainly on the development on the part of the international community of thorough and effective mechanisms. At present, global governance targets terrorism via four regimes: hegemonic governance; governance by international organizations; hybrid governance; and coordinated governance by major powers. These strategies have made a contribution to counter-terrorism, but they do have shortcomings. We start with the judgment that governance entities should adhere to the logic of consequences, the logic of appropriateness, the logic of emotion and the logic of habitus, and on this basis make a preliminary assessment of the global governance of terrorism. Present terrorism governance regimes tend to be based on the thinking of the logic of consequences with only partial implementation of the logic of appropriateness and no use, so far, of counterterrorism measures based on the logic of emotion and the logic of habitus. To address both the symptoms and root causes of terrorism, international society should encourage governance strategies that implement counter-terrorism measures based on the four types of logic above and should promote coordination and cooperation based on this platform. In this course, China could promote a more significant role in global terrorism governance for such counter-terrorism platforms as the United Nations, including the Security Council, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.  相似文献   

12.
This article studies whether the pursuit of foreign aid for counterterrorism purposes militarizes or mitigates terrorism. It focuses on the USAID and official development assistance (ODA) flows to Pakistan, which recently has experienced an increase due to the presence of deadliest terrorist organizations. By using the time series data from 1985 to 2016, the paper investigated the foreign aid and terrorism nexus for pre‐9/11 and post‐9/11 periods. The empirical estimations of autoregressive distributed lag bound testing approach reported that an increase in military expenditures fuels terrorism in post‐9/11 period and the ODA helps to control terrorism from the country. On the contrary, USAID reported insignificant response toward terrorist attacks in pre‐ and post‐9/11 periods, suggesting that the foreign aid from the United States has no significant impact on counterterrorism policies for Pakistan. The outcomes of the current study can be utilized in policymaking of counterterrorism and to explore the nexus between foreign aid, terrorism, and military expenditures. The paper concludes that the concerns about the use of foreign aid as counterterrorism tool are warranted, but that actual manifestations are nuanced.  相似文献   

13.
This article estimates situational awareness in a diverse collection of police officers with respect to their individual ability to identify nine key behaviors that are indicative of terrorism activity. The selected group of police officers was drawn from state, county, and municipal law enforcement organizations. The terrorist‐centric behaviors were presented to the test group in multicomponent text‐based scenarios that emulate real‐world police events and respondents were instructed to rate each scenario component on an 11‐point Likert‐type suspicion scale. With the exception of terrorist fundraising, law enforcement personnel tended to view all of the terrorist‐centric activities and behaviors as at least “somewhat suspicious.” The activities that could also be associated with “conventional” criminality such as weapons acquisition received higher ratings than those activities more exclusively related to terrorism such as recruiting. We also noted statistically significant differences based on agency type, officers’ assignment (patrol or detective), experience, gender, agency size, and education. Race had no effect.  相似文献   

14.
This article explores psychological factors involved in terrorism and counterterrorism on individual, group, and organizational levels of analysis. On the individual level, we describe attempts to understand terrorist behavior as a form of psychopathology and/or as reflecting a unique constellation of personality traits. We also consider whether there exists a general motivational basis for participating in terrorism. On the group level of analysis, we address the process of shared reality construction, social influence involved in recruitment of new members to terrorist organization, their indoctrination into terrorist ideology, and the use of language in creating terrorism warranting norms. On the organizational level, we consider issues of training, logistics, and cost effectiveness as they apply to the decisions to launch or abstain from terrorist activities. We conclude by considering the implications of our analysis for possible ways and means for countering terrorism.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

Rather than ask why New Zealand supported the intervention, this paper focuses on how representations of New Zealand and the international terrorist threat resulted in public acquiescence to a pre-emptive strike by the world's sole superpower against one of the poorest, most war-torn countries in the world. The paper concludes that legitimacy was achieved through the blending of themes of terrorism and war, national interest and democracy, rule of law and human rights, to produce an ambiguous ‘international campaign against terrorism’ that allowed for picking and choosing of the most convenient position on different matters. The alternative—to refuse moral and material support for the United States-led ‘war on terror’—was to risk New Zealand's membership of the United States-led international community and a ‘seat at the table’ in future international trade and security negotiations. As such, any campaign benefits appear to have accrued to New Zealand rather than Afghanistan or the Afghan people, especially given the parlous state of that country in 2018. A wide-ranging debate within New Zealand on the purpose of such interventions is needed before similar commitments are made in the future.  相似文献   

16.
This paper proposes a methodology to measure social impact of terrorism. We define a multidimensional terrorism index based not only on deaths but also on other variables such as injuries, bombs and kidnappings. The weight of each terrorist activity is given by its social impact, which is estimated through its relevance in the media. For this task we build up a new data set from the four most important newspapers in Spain, namely, El País, El Mundo, ABC, and La Vanguardia. Finally, we evaluate the social impact of ETA terrorism in Spain from 1993 through 2004.  相似文献   

17.
We interpret the emergence of Jihadist terrorism in the light of contest theory. Al Qaeda may be portrayed as a contest organizer, providing a ‘prize’ to the best terrorist group. Each group maximizes its probability of winning by launching attacks more destructive than previous ones perpetrated by competing groups. This hypothesis is confirmed by the empirical analysis which shows that the number of victims of terrorist attacks increases compared to number of victims of previous attacks in the same country. An upward trend in terrorist brutality is the outcome of competition between groups. Results also show that Al Qaeda-style terrorism is associated with poverty and underprivileged socio-economic conditions.  相似文献   

18.
Greece has over the years faced serious security challenges from domestic as well as transnational terrorist activity. This paper examines empirically the effectiveness of counter-terrorism policy and particularly it focuses on current and investment expenditure on domestic security and public order. Using annual budget data for the 1974–2004 period, it investigates whether current and investment spending by the Ministry of Public Order has been an effective policy measure to counter terrorism. The results seem to suggest that such investment has at best a weak negative impact on internal terrorist actions. The main policy implication of this finding is that investing in counter-terrorist infrastructure and equipment can potentially prove to be an effective policy measure in the fight against terrorism. This, however, may be conditional upon a number of other factors including other anti-terrorist measures such as legislation or how efficiently such expenditure is used.  相似文献   

19.
The media is often referred to as a social institution in that it is a major element of contemporary Western society. Through the media, social processes create narratives or stories within interpretative frameworks that are embedded in the cultural and political assumptions of the wider society. Since the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre in September 2001, the media has played a crucial role in the developing discourse on contemporary terrorism. In the Australian context, this discourse has emerged as one which implicates Australian Muslims, constructing them as a homogenous monolith with an underlying implication that Islam, and by association Australian Muslims, is secular resistant and at odds with the values of the liberal democratic state. Several textual analyses attest to the bias against Muslims in the popular Australian media discourse. However, there have been no studies into how Australian Muslims are interpreting and responding to this discourse. Based on research into the attitudes and perceptions of the media among Australian Muslims, this paper argues that the interpretation of the media discourse as defiantly anti‐Muslim and the perception of the media as a powerful purveyor of public opinion has impacted on the construction of Australian Muslim identity. In responding to this discourse, Australian Muslims are creating new narratives of belonging which either reinforce or reject the underlying messages that situate them outside mainstream Australia.  相似文献   

20.
The relationship between the international Communist movement and the world anti- fascist war constitutes a major historical theme of our times. As a positive force for democracy and peace, the international Communist movement became a solid political cornerstone of the anti-fascist war. Its enormous sacrifices and contributions made it one of the final forces terminating the fascist political order, and its humanity provided mankind with a just direction in the struggle against war terrorism and for peace idealism. It thus became a major force in effectively advancing the development of democracy and peace. Based on the logic of condemnation, the critical reflections upon fascism made by the Communist movement have provided a value dimension for the building of today’s international security system. Based on the logic of construction, the international peace ethics followed by the international Communist movement offer an ideological foundation for the building of the new international order. And based on the logic of development, the new paradigm of world civilization pursued by the international Communist movement has become a political exemplar for the current pursuit of international peace. The political force of the Communist Party of China (CPC), as China’s political backbone and advance guard, cannot be overlooked: it influenced the anti-fascist war, the postwar international Communist movement and the democratization of world order. Of course, both the Soviet Union and the Comintern also offered many historical lessons during the anti-fascist war, lessons that merit profound reflection and consideration.  相似文献   

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