“对共同伤害的复仇”或义愤的社会化维度 斯宾诺莎《政治论》与一个自由共同体的情动基础

斯宾诺莎是启蒙传统中的一个“异类”,其政治社会理论不再将政治社会视作“国中之国”,而将人类情动（affect）视作一种真实的社会力量,并且将这些个体间的力量博弈奠立为国家的根基。由此,因特定社会状态而起的抵抗性情动“义愤”就以一种极富张力的方式被引入社会起源的讨论中。与对抗性的政治行动不同,斯宾诺莎强调这种情动所呈现的时空特征。在空间维度上,因义愤而敞开的情动模仿及想象性认同可贡献于社会化过程;在时间维度上,短时效的义愤能够被有效调控与挫败,使其作为集体伤害的记忆融入建制之中,提供社会变革的历史性动力。好的共同体必须将由“恐惧”支配的团结模式转变为由“希望”引导的团结模式。     

美国的基督教与社会稳定

随着经济和科学技术的发展,美国包括新教、天主教和犹太教等教派在内的基督教,也经历了巨大变化,以竞争和进取为核心的政治气质不断升华,传统上被十分重视的教育事业继续加强,而作为日常生活或工作"礼拜"的内容则空前丰富。这一切对美国的社会稳定起着至关重要的作用。在美国的社会稳定方面,基督教的地位和作用不容低估。     

论多元文化主义对政治文化认同的强化——以美国社会为例

多元文化主义的核心内涵是承认文化多样性所产生的差异,并承诺差异之间的平等性。政治文化认同是内化于心的、对文化和政治传统的固有信念与身份定位。多元文化主义常常被认为会削弱政治文化认同并造成社会的分裂与动荡。本文结合美国社会的经验,阐明由多元文化主义所培育出的宽容开放的政治文化氛围,非但不会成为凝聚人们爱国力量的障碍和阻力,反而会加强人们的认同感,尤其是对政治文化的认同。     

一个美国说客教父的忏悔

现在,杰克·阿布拉莫夫,这位曾被称为美国“说客教父”的“一哥”出狱了,并且他出了本自传。在自传中,这个曾被骂为“肮脏的政治贩子”的“大佬”竟出人意料地扛起了反“政治说客”的大旗……但无论他的忏悔来得多么猛烈,依然改变不了美国当下的政治现状。     

美国政治中的理想契约

美国立宪政治的原则与近代社会契约论有紧密关系。赞成社会契约论模式的自由主义学者往往援引美国宪政的例子来论证现实主义政治的合法性与成功性 ,论证政治不应当诉诸现实之外的其它考虑。但是以R·贝拉为代表的理想主义的政治哲学家却反对简单的社会契约 ,而提出双层的社会契约 ,指出在美国制度层面的社会契约背后 ,还有更重要的宗教—道德的精神契约。不理解这一契约 ,就无法理解现实社会契约的历史运作 ;不复兴这一内在契约 ,就无法在今天维系制度上的社会契约     

城市移民的政治参与：一个社会网络的分析视角

在中国,随着城市化进程的加快,大量来自乡村的移民进入城市,城市移民群体在城市社区中的社会融合与公共事务参与,对于中国未来的城市发展与社会整合具有重要的意义。使用上海地区“2009年社会网络与职业经历问卷调查”, 本文采用一个社会网络的分析视角,实证地验证了社会网络对于城市移民政治参与的效果。结果显示：“拜年网”的规模对于城市居民（包括上海户籍与非上海户籍）的政治参与具有负向的效果;“讨论网”的规模只对城市移民群体（非上海户籍居民）具有正向的促进作用;而 “社会参与网”表现出了非常显著的正向作用,而且,城市移民群体的“社会参与网”比上海户籍居民具有更强的正向效果。     

社会政治化刍议

社会政治化系指市民社会在与政治社会的彼此消长中,改写被政治社会所长期把持的“原生态政治,”增大政治的社会涵容量并增强其社会功能,从而建设一种新的、顺历史潮流而动的“衍生政治”的过程。社会政治化具有政治社会与市民社会融合、互补以及后者对前者覆盖等“新政治”形态;具有诸项超越“原生态政治”价值的价值;推进它的主要主体是第三部门、社区以及责任政府等。     

尼克拉斯·卢曼的“世界社会”观点

下面的一些思考来自于这样一系列论点：现代社会是从它自身的结构和内部的动力出发放眼全球的,而且是（只）作为“世界社会”去理解。“世界”（Welt）就此而言是所有的,所有那些社会的事件,这些事件被沟通（Kommunikation）观察着,又通过沟通成为主题。沟通移动着世界的视域（Horizont,或译“边缘域”）,并且将世界划分了。世界本身作为整体是无法达到的,哪些现象和实例能说明一个统一的“世界社会”？     

“社会保障”一词的由来

１９９２年４月２０日是亚伯拉罕·艾普斯顿（ＡｂｒａｈａｍＥｐｓｔｅｉｎ）的１００周年诞辰纪念日。这位被广泛认可为把“社会保障”（ＳｏｃｉａｌＳｅｃｕｒｉｔｙ）一词引介到美国和全世界的第一人 ,也是２０世纪上半叶全美社会福利运动的领袖。不过 ,在２０世纪３０年代初 ,被广泛运用的却不是“社会保障”而是“经济保障”（ＥｃｏｎｏｍｉｃＳｅｃｕｒｉ ｔｙ）。那些提出早期社会立法的人常常把“经济保障”挂在嘴边 ;罗斯福总统在１９３４年组建经济保障委员会时用的也是该词 ;１９３５年１月１７日 ,罗斯福在向国会作国情咨文 …     

颠倒的世界 迷惘的抗争——《永别了,武器》的主人公分析

颠倒的世界迷惘的抗争——《永别了，武器》的主人公分析○祁晓云武洪斌天才的作家并不总在安稳、祥和的时期出现，而常常出现在社会、政治以及价值观念动荡不安的年代。本世纪二十年代“迷惘的一代”（ＬｏｓｔＧｅｎｅｒａｔｉｏｎ）的代言人欧内斯特·海明威（Ｅｒｎｅ...     

Determinants of state long-term debt: The political market framework

Because it focuses on the moderating role of political institutions – which emphasize equilibrium policy outcomes under different institutional arrangements derived from the interaction of policy supply and demand – the political market framework provides useful insights for analyzing the determinants of state long-term debt. Thus, different types of state political institutions should affect the degree of long-term debt in terms of specific demands and supply. Despite the numerous studies that have either applied the political market approach to local governments in policy areas or have analyzed the determinants of long-term debt from only a financial management perspective, few studies have applied the political market framework to state governments. Thus, adopting a state financial management perspective and conducting a panel data analysis using state data from 1980 to 2014, this study identifies the reasons why state governments act on long-term obligations in terms of the political market framework. This study also aims to expand the application of the political market framework to state governments and to integrate determinants of state long-term indebtedness.     

市场化、政治价值观与中国居民的政府信任

本文利用CGSS2010的数据，考察市场化背景下中国居民政治价值观的变化及其对政府信任的影响。研究发现：第一，随着市场化的推进，居民权威主义的政治价值观明显趋于弱化，但民主主义的政治价值观没有统计上的显著变化；第二，中国居民政府信任水平的东、中、西区域差异显著，市场化进程与居民政府信任水平呈线性递减关系；第三，权威主义的政治价值观对居民的政府信任水平有促进作用，但这种正向影响会随着市场化进程愈发弱化，而民主主义的政治价值观对居民的政府信任水平不具有统计上的显著影响。文章最后指出，中国居民当前的政治价值观可能正处于过渡期，这种“过渡型”政治价值观既包含对传统权威主义的高度认同，也隐含现代民主主义精神。此外，在市场化改革背景下，理性思维日益占据主导地位，因此，提升政府信任的最直接途径可能还在于提高政府工作绩效。     

Gender Jeopardy: What is the Impact of Gender Differences in Political Knowledge on Political Participation?*

Objective. We explore whether observed sex‐based differences in political knowledge have an impact on men's and women's participation in six different political activities. Methods. Utilizing ANES data from the five presidential elections between 1984 and 2000, we employ logistic regression to estimate the likelihood of voting, influencing a vote, attending a political meeting, working on a political campaign, wearing a political button, and making a campaign donation. Results. At lower levels of political knowledge, women's lower political knowledge depresses their participation in politics. The participation gap disappears at higher levels of political knowledge for three participatory acts: attempting to influence a vote, attending a political meeting, and donating to a political campaign. Furthermore, at higher levels of political knowledge, women are more likely than men to vote, wear a political button, or work for political campaigns. Conclusion. Our analysis reveals that political knowledge differentially affects men's and women's political participation. These findings complement existing scholarship that finds women hold themselves to a higher standard before engaging in political activities such as running for elected office.     

Local autonomy,municipal size and local political participation in Europe

Local autonomy in Europe has, on average, increased since 1990 and has decreased (a little) since 2009. The average population size of a European municipality has increased continuously during the last two decades. European countries with larger municipalities do not have more local autonomy. Citizens of large municipalities are less interested in local political matters. Inhabitants of small municipalities tend to be more interested in local political matters when their municipalities have more local autonomy while a similar strong correlation between local autonomy and local political interest cannot be established for larger municipalities. Finally, a discrepancy exists between the stated policy objectives of many European countries that support both decentralization and (more) local political participation on the one hand and actual policy results on the other hand that are not necessarily in line with increasing local autonomy and stimulating local political participation.     

More of a Bridge than a Gap: Gender Differences in Arab‐American Political Engagement*

Objective. Research on immigrant women's economic and cultural adaptation has increasingly come to the fore of immigration research, yet relatively little remains known about their engagement in the political arena. This study examines this question among Arab Muslims, a group that has been at the center of much public debate but little scholarly discourse. Methods. Using nationally representative data on Arab Muslims, this study examines gender differences in political consciousness and activity and assesses the degree to which different dimensions of religious identity contribute to differences in men's and women's attitudes and behaviors. Results. Both women and men have high levels of political engagement, in part reflecting their relatively affluent socioeconomic positions. Men are slightly more involved than women, and this is explained by their greater participation in religious activities and higher levels of political religiosity. In contrast, subjective dimensions of religiosity—or being a devout Muslim—have no effect on political engagement. Conclusions. Overall, there are few gender differences in Arab Muslim political engagement, suggesting that collective identity based on ethnicity and religion is more salient for the political mobilization of this group. Further, religion is not uniformly associated with political activity, varying by gender and the dimension of religious identity in question, suggesting that future research needs to focus on how different facets of religion influence U.S. political involvement.     

The political activities of social workers in the context of changing roles and political transition in Hong Kong

The article reports on a fourth study on the political participation of social workers based on a methodology developed by Gray and Collett van Rooyen (2000). Thus far studies have been conducted in South Africa, Australia and New Zealand. The present study examined the political activities of social workers in Hong Kong. It begins with a review of the politicisation of Hong Kong's social workers, tracing developments from the 1960s onwards. It then examines the literature on political participation in social work, particularly various typologies of political activity, in order to add to theory relating to this important aspect of social-work practice. Thereafter, it outlines the conceptual framework and methodology used in the study, the results of which provide the basis for the discussion of the political activities of social workers in Hong Kong. It ends with an in-depth discussion of the implications of the findings for the political role of social workers in Hong Kong's changing political context.     

政治体制改革与社会稳定的相关性分析

改革的深入向政治体制改革提出越来越迫切的要求,但长期以来,在政治体制改革与社会稳定的关系问题上存在着认识上的误区,要想使政治体制改革有所突破,必须改变已有的观念.用全新的视角来认识稳定、社会稳定及政治体制改革的关系问题,看清政治体制改革与社会稳定在本质上和目标追求上的一致性和相关性,从而在政治体制改革过程中促进社会稳定。     

论中国传统政治文化向现代的转变

政治文化是社会政治体系中最深层的东西,它和政治现代化密切关联。中国传统政治文化是在中国传统社会的特定环境下产生的,它反过来又对中国政治社会的发展产生重大影响。中国要建设社会主义政治文明,实现政治现代化,必须在正确反思和批判的基础上,对传统政治文化加以改造,按照一定的路径和原则实现其由传统向现代的转变。     

Youth, unemployment and political marginalisation

The article investigates the impact of being unemployed on political marginalisation among young people. Are unemployed youth politically marginalised compared with employed youth? Is the impact of unemployment on political marginalisation related to the development of the welfare state? Based on Marshall’s concept of social citizenry, and Esping‐Andersen’s theory of decommodification politics, the impact of unemployment on political marginalisation was expected to be least in the most‐developed welfare states. In these countries, welfare policies were expected to counteract marginalisation among the unemployed. The analyses were based on the Eurobarometer survey Young Europeans from 1990. Three aspects of political marginalisation were investigated: political confidence, political interest and political extremism. Unemployed youth express less confidence in politics, they talk less about politics and they more frequently support revolutionary political ideas, compared with employed youth. The greatest difference in political confidence between unemployed and employed is found in Great Britain, while Italy represents a deviant case where the unemployed have more confidence than the employed. The development of the welfare state does not appear to be a crucial factor for political confidence among the unemployed.     

Faith and Politics: The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Political Participation*

Objective. The relationship between religion and political participation has not been rigorously investigated, typically employing only basic measures of church attendance or denomination. In this study, we utilize precise measures of various religious behaviors, traditions, and beliefs to examine their influence on political participation. Methods. Using data from the Baylor Religion Survey 2005, we demonstrate that merely including measures of church attendance or denomination camouflages much of religion's influence on political participation. Results. We find that religious beliefs are significantly related to national political participation. For religious activities, identifying with a religious tradition reduces participation, but participation in church activities increases political participation. Conclusion. Different types of religious beliefs influence political participation differently. Although some macro religious beliefs significantly increase macro political behavior, believers in an involved God are less likely to participate politically. Individualistic, micro beliefs have no affect on national politics. Thus, the scope of the religious belief fits with the scope of the political activity, in that more macro concerns translate to national political participation.