伊拉克战后库尔德人分离主义倾向的变化与发展

建立自己的独立国家是伊拉克库尔德人多年来的政治目标.伊拉克战争结束后,面对周边国家对于库尔德分离倾向的压力和反对,再加上库尔德地区内部存在各种问题,库尔德领导人在伊战后政治重建中采取了务实的态度.为争取更大程度的区域自治,他们在宪法草案中确定了伊拉克国家的联邦主义性质.并利用和美国政府的密切关系,在伊过渡政府中占据了大量重要职位.但这并不意味着库尔德人彻底放弃了分离主义目标.从目前来看,库尔德人对分离主义的取舍将和伊战后重建的成败紧密联系在一起.如果伊战后重建最终失败并爆发内战,库尔德人依然会寻求自己的独立道路.     

伊拉克"后重建时期"的库尔德分离主义新危机

随着美军2011年撤退期限临近,伊拉克即将进入一个没有美军直接干预的"后重建"时代。与此同时,伊拉克库尔德人的分离主义危机也再次出现。究其原因,主要是美国政府干预下伊拉克建立的"合作性民主"制度缺乏内在凝聚力,伊拉克阿拉伯民族主义者强调中央集权和反对联邦制宪法的倾向威胁到库尔德人的自治,伊拉克国内不同种族和宗教派别之间因核心利益差异而导致的各种冲突难以和解,还有库尔德斯坦自治以来与周围国家地缘政治关系的有利改变。这些因素都为库尔德人争取独立提供了重要契机,从而使得伊拉克库尔德分离主义危机再次成为国际社会关注的焦点。     

伊拉克“后重建时期”的库尔德分离主义新危机

随着美军2011年撤退期限临近,伊拉克即将进入一个没有美军直接干预的"后重建"时代。与此同时,伊拉克库尔德人的分离主义危机也再次出现。究其原因,主要是美国政府干预下伊拉克建立的"合作性民主"制度缺乏内在凝聚力,伊拉克阿拉伯民族主义者强调中央集权和反对联邦制宪法的倾向威胁到库尔德人的自治,伊拉克国内不同种族和宗教派别之间因核心利益差异而导致的各种冲突难以和解,还有库尔德斯坦自治以来与周围国家地缘政治关系的有利改变。这些因素都为库尔德人争取独立提供了重要契机,从而使得伊拉克库尔德分离主义危机再次成为国际社会关注的焦点。     

浅析伊拉克战后的教派之争

伊拉克战争后,伊境内教派冲突迭起,特别是2006年2月22日,阿里·哈迪清真寺爆炸事件,造成该寺金顶严重损毁,引发了伊境内最严重的教派冲突,什叶派和逊尼派之间报复性暴力冲突愈演愈烈,引起国际社会广泛关注;战后伊国内政治力量对比发生了重大变化,对教派冲突产生催化作用。伊拉克的乱局同中东地区和国际形势的发展也不无关系。中东海湾地区民族、宗教矛盾尖锐,教派斗争激烈,是世界矛盾和热点问题最多最集中的地区,也是恐怖活动高发区。阿拉伯国家对伊拉克的走向普遍担忧。大国围绕伊拉克问题展开激烈斗争和较量。伊拉克教派之争对伊社会产生了严重后果,并深刻地影响伊社会的发展和内部关系的演变。什叶派主导的伊新政府应在四年任期内妥善处理好什叶派、逊尼派和库尔德人三派权益的合理分配,缓解教派矛盾,稳定国内局势、避免内乱,早日完成国家重建。     

浅析伊拉克战后的教派之争

伊拉克战争后,伊境内教派冲突迭起,特别是2006年2月22日,阿里·哈迪清真寺爆炸事件,造成该寺金顶严重损毁,引发了伊境内最严重的教派冲突,什叶派和逊尼派之间报复性暴力冲突愈演愈烈,引起国际社会广泛关注;战后伊国内政治力量对比发生了重大变化,对教派冲突产生催化作用.伊拉克的乱局同中东地区和国际形势的发展也不无关系.中东海湾地区民族、宗教矛盾尖锐,教派斗争激烈,是世界矛盾和热点问题最多最集中的地区,也是恐怖活动高发区.阿拉伯国家对伊拉克的走向普遍担忧.大国围绕伊拉克问题展开激烈斗争和较量.伊拉克教派之争对伊社会产生了严重后果,并深刻地影响伊社会的发展和内部关系的演变.什叶派主导的伊新政府应在四年任期内妥善处理好什叶派、逊尼派和库尔德人三派权益的合理分配,缓解教派矛盾,稳定国内局势、避免内乱,早日完成国家重建.     

伊战后美国对伊拉克库尔德政策的动因及走向

长期以来,奉行亲美立场的伊拉克库尔德人在美国的中东战略中具有不可替代的作用。伊战后,以2003年伊拉克战争为标志事件,2011年美军撤离伊拉克为重要节点,美国的伊拉克库尔德政策可以分撤军前和撤军后两个阶段。随着伊拉克国内安全局势的恶化、伊朗支持什叶派力量的力度加大、极端组织“伊斯兰国”的沉浮和美国中东战略的收缩,美国不断调整对伊拉克库尔德政策。该政策是内外多重因素影响的结果,从本质上讲是美国将其作为维护中东霸权战略的重要抓手和依托。近年来,随着伊拉克国内反美情绪的高涨、伊朗地区影响力的增强、叙利亚局势的不确定性等多重因素的叠加,美国根据中东局势变化和战略利益需要持续调整库尔德政策,伊拉克库尔德人仍将是美国中东战略中的一个重要棋子。     

土耳其周边外交中西亚土库曼人的角色与影响

受族裔认同、地缘政治和库尔德问题等因素的复合驱动,近十余年来土耳其与西亚土库曼人经历了相互“重新发现”和认同增强的过程。土耳其试图将土库曼人扶植为本国的地区代理人,服务于其周边外交目标的实现。在叙利亚,土库曼人成为土耳其干涉叙内政、打击库尔德人和推行地区干涉政策的重要工具;在伊拉克,土耳其利用土库曼人制衡库尔德地区的独立野心,保持土在伊北部的影响力。然而,受到叙伊国内局势、土库曼人族群特征、土与叙伊两国中央政府及库尔德人之间复杂关系的影响,土耳其与两国土库曼人的互动方式及效果存在明显差异。叙利亚土库曼人的代理人色彩更浓厚,伊拉克土库曼人的伙伴角色则较为模糊和尴尬。土耳其与西亚土库曼人的密切互动乃至捆绑进一步撕裂了土周边国家内部的族群关系,加剧了其国内政治与治理格局的碎片化和脆弱性。     

叙利亚库尔德人内战前后的政治发展

叙利亚内战爆发前,库尔德人曾是这个国家饱受欺压和排斥的少数民族。为争取民族权利,叙利亚库尔德人从内战前就开始组织政党开展民族运动。叙利亚内战爆发后,叙利亚库尔德人的政治组织建立了自己的武装。在以美国为首的西方国际反恐联盟的支持下,库尔德人武装通过打击极端组织"伊斯兰国"控制了叙北部库尔德人居住的大片土地,并极力寻求政治自治。在俄罗斯的积极支持下,库尔德政治力量提出了战后在叙利亚建立联邦制的构想。目前,叙利亚库尔德人已经在叙北部建立了库尔德联邦区,并期望内战结束后建立自己的自治区。但叙利亚库尔德人的政治发展进程正受到来自土耳其及国内其他阿拉伯反对派的阻挠和抵制等不利因素的影响。     

伊拉克战后经济重建之机遇与挑战

2003年的伊拉克战争使国际局势发生了深刻变化,其战后重建正在并将继续对国际关系产生重大影响。伊战后重建最本质的问题是其民生改善及与相关国家政府间的经济行为,本文拟从经济视角考量伊战后重建中其国内的发展态势、与国际社会的互动及中国在其中的作为。     

伊拉克战后经济重建之机遇与挑战

2003年的伊拉克战争使国际局势发生了深刻变化，其战后重建正在并将继续对国际关系产生重大影响。伊战后重建最本质的问题是其民生改善及与相关国家政府间的经济行为，本文拟从经济视角考量伊战后重建中其国内的发展态势、与国际社会的互动及中国在其中的作为。     

The Iraqi Kurds: The struggle for autonomy in the shadow of the Iran‐Iraqi conflict

This article examines the intricate relationship between the Kurds of Iraq and the Iraqi‐Iranian conflict. In the final analysis, the Kurds were both a major beneficiary but at the same time also the major losers from it. This situation became manifest during the Iraqi‐Iranian war which started in September 1980 and ended in August 1988.

Hoping to manipulate the war in order to achieve a meaningful autonomy, the Kurds both received support from Iran and lent it their own in the fighting against Iraq. But at the end of the war, Iran dropped its erstwhile allies, who once again found themselves between hammer and anvil. The punishment which the government meted to the Kurdish movement and the Kurdish population in general was unprecedented in its harshness and totality. The Kurdish hopes for a meaningful autonomy were dashed.     

叙利亚库尔德人的政党政治研究

自从1957年第一个叙利亚库尔德政党建立以来,库尔德政党经过多次分化、重组和联盟,一直是叙利亚库尔德运动的主导力量。作为叙利亚库尔德人的代表,库尔德政党提出了维护库尔德人政治文化权利、承认库尔德人少数民族地位、给予库尔德民族一定程度自治等不同层面的政治要求。尽管长期以来受到政府的压制,而且-9当前叙利亚国内的反对派在民族问题上也存在分歧,但库尔德政党始终坚持要实现自己的政治要求。     

Refugee movements and Turkey

There has been a long tradition in the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic of receiving refugees. There were Jewish refugees from the Spanish Inquisition, Hungarians and Poles fleeing revolts in 1848-9, and those of Turkish descent and usually from the Balkans. Concurrent with this trend is the history of refugees and immigrants leaving Turkey, such as many Armenians, Greeks and Jews leaving at the turn of the century, and after 1923 and the Treaty of Lausanne. Little is currently published on the topic. This article defines a refugee; provides an overview of the refugee problems of the 1980's due to Bulgarian, Kurdish, and Turkish refugees; and the legal and political aspects. As a country of origin, there is discussion of the political and economic aspects of Turkish asylum seekers in Europe. The potential refugee flows to and from Turkey are also examined. I) For this study, refugees are victims of political violence and are persecuted for political or religious beliefs, ethnic or racial background, or war. In Turkey, there are national refugees, international refugees outside the Convention, and UNHCR Convention refugees. During the 1980's all 3 groups were arriving: from eastern Europe, Iranian Kurds, Iraqis, and ethnic Turks from Bulgaria and Afghanistan. The Turkish restricted acceptance of the 1951 Convention on Refugees creates serious humanitarian and security consequences for refugees other than those from eastern Europe and of Turkish ethnicity. Political considerations play an important role in treatment where security threats outweigh humanitarian need. The case is given for Kurdish refugees. II) Asylum seekers from Turkey in Western Europe was determined between 1986-90 to be 185,000 from applications. These figures have risen steadily due to the political instability and military activity of areas bordering Iraq and Syria, the Emergency Region. In addition there are economic and employment problems, and there has been a suspension of human rights. Europe in return has tightened legislation and procedures to differentiate economically motivated refugees from authentic political asylum seekers. Further research is needed to investigate refugee problems. Further refugees may come due to the promotion of a Black Sea Cooperation Region and easier crossings of borders to the former Soviet Republics. Ethnic Turks in Moldavia or Romania or Bulgaria may leave due to unrest. Factors affecting asylum seekers are improvements in Turkey's human rights record, repeal of bans of the Kurdish language, completion of the South Eastern Development Project, and the European government policy on asylum.     

The Syrian Refugee Crisis in the Kurdish Region of Iraq: Explaining the Role of Borders in Situations of Forced Displacement

More than 250,000 Syrian refugees have relocated in the Kurdish Region of Iraq since 2011. The local response has been relatively receptive towards them. This study proposes an analysis of the concept of border and applies the idea of “border thinness” as an interpretative framework to examine the nature of transborder relations between the Iraqi and Syrian Kurdish areas. Relying on secondary sources, technical and elite level interviews with social and political actors in KRI, the analysis highlights how Kurdish areas of Syria and Iraq have maintained transborder relations which shaped the dynamics of displacement from Syria and constituted the context for a relatively receptive stance towards Syrian Kurdish refugees. Borders do not always mark a sharp territorial separation between social, political, and economic realities; instead a more complex conceptualization exposes transborder relational spaces, explaining the modes of displacement and its responses from host communities.     

2010年大选：伊拉克前途命运的转折点

2005年大选之后的经历给伊拉克国内各政治力量留下了深刻教训,他们意识到国家的安全和稳定需要一个有什叶派、逊尼派以及库尔德人代表参加的联合政府。2010年大选产生了一个联合政府,该政府将有机会实现国家统一,并向邻国传递积极的信号,即伊拉克不会对它们产生威胁,同时新政府也将面临巨大挑战。选举产生的政府将承担起领导国家走向主权独立的历史责任,并努力提高伊拉克在该地区的地位和影响力,尤其是在2011年底美军撤出伊拉克之后。2010年12月21日,新内阁获得国民议会投票表决通过,从而开启了多党派联合执政的架构。     

The Politics of IDP Education Provision: Negotiating identity and schooling in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq

The expansion of Islamic State control in Iraq led to massive internal displacement. Iraq now has one of the largest internally displaced populations in the world. Many families found relative safety in government‐controlled towns throughout the country; a large proportion sought refuge in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), having fled from its northern territories where Arabs, Kurds, Yezidis, Assyrians and Turkmen each claimed demographic dominance. Consequently, the KRI has become a sanctuary to almost a million Iraqi IDPs of varying ethnic backgrounds and cultures. This article draws on extensive regional fieldwork to explore the relationship between education provision for displaced populations and broader ethno‐sectarian and socio‐political influences. The article will unpack the research question: “In what ways does education for IDPs in KRI exacerbate or mitigate conflict?” and will highlight key areas in which misunderstanding of identity politics has resulted in reduced quality education for displaced populations.     

Humbling Turkishness: Undoing the Strategies of Exclusion and Inclusion of Turkish Modernity

Kurds make up about a fifth of Turkey's population. Turkey has taken steps – albeit slowly and reluctantly – towards increased recognition of Kurdish cultural and linguistic rights. However, within Turkey there is also a steeply rising tide of Turkish nationalism, prejudice and intolerance towards Kurds, and increasing anti-Kurdish sentiment. This article brings studies of Kurdishness and Turkishness into a single conversation and traces the relationship between Turkish modernity, Orientalized Kurdishness and the construction of Turkishness as the efendi (master) identity. It does this by drawing attention to “strategies of exclusion and inclusion” in the construction of official Turkish history, and relates these to the way in which the tense borders between Kurds and Turks are maintained and currently reproduced. It also presents a normative argument in favour of “humbling Turkishness” and “solidarity trading zones”.     

海湾地区“什叶派新月带”兴起的宗教政治影响

伊拉克战争推翻萨达姆政权造成的一个最重要结果就是,解除了伊拉克对伊朗什叶派神权政府的多年遏制,还使得伊拉克什叶派在战后政治重建中逐步占据了政治主导地位。随着伊朗什叶派政权和伊拉克什叶派势力的联系日益加强,他们已在海湾地区形成了一股强大的什叶派宗教政治势力。在其影响下,周边其他逊尼派国家内部的什叶派民众纷纷要求扩大政治权力,逊尼派君主制国家政府也感到了什叶派神权思想反对君主制度的严峻压力。目前,正在日益兴起并标志着伊朗伊斯兰革命第二阶段的“什叶派新月带”,已经改变了海湾地区什叶派长期遭受逊尼派压制的传统局面,并直接关系到拥有世界最大石油资源的海湾地区的安全秩序和政治前景。