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By analysing pension reforms in three Nordic countries – Denmark, Finland and Sweden – that apply different institutional solutions in their old‐age security programmes, this article argues that the political processes that shaped the country‐specific pension set‐ups in the 1950s and 1960s had important ramifications for subsequent reform possibilities. A high degree of inertia exists not only in the institutions themselves but also in the political reform options and the ways in which pensions were reformed. The analysis shows that the ‘new politics’ was not new in any of the three countries. Furthermore, given the differences in the three cases, the analysis questions the nature of pension reform. The Swedish reform in the late 1990s was a ‘big bang’ that eliminated the old and changed everything; the Finns built on piecemeal reforms of conversion that gradually changed the whole system; and, while the Danish story appears to be one of stability and status quo, the drift of Danish policy ultimately changed the basic characteristics of the system. Although all three countries have more or less thoroughly reformed their pensions, the reform processes have differed according to both historical legacies and institutional frameworks. 相似文献
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Peter Lloyd-Sherlock 《Social Policy & Administration》2009,43(4):347-363
Most Latin American countries have extensive social policies which absorb high levels of state spending. Despite this, Latin America continues to suffer from high levels of inequality in terms of income and access to basic services. This article explores this apparent paradox. It focuses on three aspects of social policy in the region: patterns of resource allocation, the distribution of welfare entitlements and differing capacities to take advantage of these entitlements. It applies this framework to study the distributional effects of education, health and social security policies, paying particular attention to recent changes and developments. The article shows that these three factors combine in various ways to benefit higher-income groups and exclude the poor. Recent changes have marginally improved provision for low-income groups, but the fundamentally inegalitarian nature of social policy in the region remains largely unchanged and unchallenged. 相似文献
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The Welfare State and the Life Course: Examining the Interrelationship between Welfare Arrangements and Inequality Dynamics 下载免费PDF全文
The transformation of welfare state arrangements in European countries during the last two decades can not only be described as realizing an activating welfare state, but also as centred on specific life course transitions which are considered as critical. A number of new welfare arrangements have been set up or older ones have been modified taking into account the critical phases of the life course. These new welfare arrangements attribute new rights over resources to well‐specified groups in terms of their life course events. The article first presents a selective overview of new welfare arrangements which are (in explicit or implicit ways) linked to specific phases and transitions of the life course in the different European countries; and, second, it analyzes the consequences of these new welfare arrangements on inequality. These arrangements establish (mostly implicitly) norms, which appear to define a role of an active, responsible and ‘able’ employee and citizen for everybody. However, the general starting positions of various groups of the population (such as women) and the existing welfare provisions constitute an obstacle to providing equal starting positions and an equal opportunity for pursuing one's life course according to the established norms. Therefore, the effects of these new welfare arrangements can have significant impacts on outcomes, and can therefore transform substantially the existing picture of inequalities. 相似文献
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Robert M. Page 《Social Policy & Administration》2010,44(3):326-342
This article explores the changing nature of the discipline of Social Administration in the post‐1945 era. The vigorous challenge to Traditional Social Administration in the 1970s and 1980s did not lead, as some had feared, to the demise of the subject's applied, problem‐solving, ethos. Within the broader discipline of Social Policy, the Social Administration perspective adapted and evolved. While retaining some elements of Traditional Social Administration namely, empiricism and a problem focus, the emergence of Contemporary Social Administration represents a significant and distinctive change in this sphere of academic enquiry. 相似文献
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Monica Dowling 《Social Policy & Administration》1999,33(3):245-261
This paper sets out the environment of inequality in which social work and the poor have recently operated. It explores pragmatic and idealist arguments concerning whether or not the poor need social work. Finally, policy solutions developed in consultation with social service users and carers are suggested in relation to poverty and social exclusion. Social exclusion can be linked to relative poverty as exclusion from economic and social norms. However, there is a wider brief in our own government’s publications and those of Europe, of examining how people are excluded from actions and policies of agencies who are there to support them. This paper will retain the concepts of poverty as lack of material income, and inequality as the gap between the rich and the poor, while being aware of the policy implications for social service users and carers of the more comprehensive process of being shut out partially or fully from social, economic, political and cultural systems. The debates around social work, social exclusion and inequality that follow establish: that some of the poor do need social work; that the poverty of social service users is related to policies that have restructured welfare in Britain; that the reason for individuals approaching or being referred to social services are complex but are likely to include financial deprivation as a key contributory factor; that if the poor do need social work, advocacy is essential rather than social work being seen as concerned only with social control—taking children into care, mentally ill people into hospitals, and advising the DSS on the suitability of claimants for benefits. Finally, the discussion turns to new policy agendas on social exclusion instigated by the Labour government. What positive difference can such policies make for social service users, their carers and social workers?. 相似文献
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陈元达作为匈奴后部人,历任黄门郎、廷尉、左司隶校尉、御史大夫、仪同三司等重要职务。在匈奴汉国政治秩序极为混乱时,为政治风气的净化、政治改革的推行提出了自己的方案。根据他任职之事,找出他的政治角色,从而更加深入地认识当时匈奴汉国的政治。 相似文献
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The Changing Face of Pensions in Latin America: Design and Prospects of Individual Capitalization Pension Plans 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Armando Barrientos 《Social Policy & Administration》1997,31(4):336-353
This paper discusses the spread of individual capitalization pension plans in Latin America in the 1990s. Following the example of Chile in 1980, Argentina, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico and Peru have all introduced individual capitalization pension schemes in the 1990s. The paper discusses the rationale for the reforms and compares the main design features of the reformed pension systems in these countries. Lastly, the likely success of pension reform is discussed by focusing on issues of pension scheme coverage, benefit adequacy and administrative costs. 相似文献
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David Post 《Social science quarterly》2004,85(5):1238-1258
Objective. This study gauged the impact of government‐led educational expansion on Hong Kong's social stratification over a 30‐year period. The historically close state control over school supply in Hong Kong allows us to test the effectiveness of public policy in changing the transmission of advantages across generations. Methods. I analyzed household‐level census data from 1971, 1981, 1991, and 2001. Interviews and documents were also used to illuminate reasons for trends during this period. Results. There was a diminishing role of family resources and gender on access to all levels of schooling until 1991. From 1991 through 2001, however, there was a reversal of this trend at the postsecondary level, as access to university education became more dependent on family resources. In addition, new immigrants from mainland China were at an increased disadvantage. Conclusions. Hong Kong's current plan to create a second tier of self‐supporting postsecondary institutions will exacerbate the tendency toward unequal university access, and is also likely to segregate new arrivals from mainland China. 相似文献
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Abigail Ornellas María-Asunción Martínez-Román Juan Tortosa-Martínez José Luís Casanova Maria das Dores Guerreiro Lambert K. Engelbrecht 《Journal of gerontological social work》2017,60(6-7):535-552
ABSTRACTIn Portugal, Spain, and South Africa, there has been a noted anti-neoliberal resistance, marked by the significant participation of the older generation in protest movements. Changing demographics, the global financial crisis, unemployment, poverty, and the reliance of the family nucleus on the pensioner, coupled with neoliberal and austerity-based reductions to welfare programs, pensions, health, and social care, has caused the “silver revolution.” As a population group that is often considered to be less politically active and robust members of society, such resistance is a noteworthy moment in society that needs to be considered and responded to. 相似文献
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《Journal of Policy Modeling》2020,42(1):112-132
This paper aims at investigating the effect of Economic Social and Cultural Status (ESCS) on the educational performances of students, using two waves of the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) survey of OECD (2009, 2012). The analysis is conducted at student level for all countries included in the PISA sample. The estimates are based on the Conditional Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA), applied for the first time in the Slack Based Measure (SBM) version. This method allows a detailed evaluation of the additional effort the students should do when they are operating in an ESCS that has a comparative disadvantage. The unprecedented use of a conditional non-radial model of efficiency, provides evidences of a significant effect of the ESCS on performances, with a strong heterogeneity among students, and countries. It follows that some problems with education may not be due to the education systems themselves, but to the economic, social and cultural gaps, which determine a persistence of inequality of opportunity. Thus, public policies are needed to foster virtuous paths to reduce disparities among students with different socioeconomic background both between and within systems. 相似文献
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Roger Wilkins 《The Australian journal of social issues》2007,42(4):481-501
The extent of income poverty and its socio‐demographic composition are examined using all ABS income surveys conducted over the period 1982 to 2004. There has been some increase in the proportion of the population in poverty, particularly since 1997, but of more note are the substantial changes in the socio‐demographic composition of those in poverty. Compared with the start of the sample period, persons in poverty at the end of the period were much more likely to be older, in families without dependent children, holding post‐school qualifications and/or foreign‐born. In part, these changes reflect broader changes in the composition of the population. However, changes in the risks of poverty associated with different characteristics have also produced large changes in the composition of the poor, and have in some cases counteracted or reversed effects of demographic change. Specifically, the risk of poverty has increased for the elderly, non‐dependent youth, single people, foreign‐born persons and those without post‐school qualifications, and it has decreased for sole parent families and residents of Queensland, the ACT and the Northern Territory. 相似文献
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Do social policies in Latin America promote or discourage distribution? And if they do promote distribution, are coalitions a prerequisite? Drawing from a typology of welfare regimes elaborated for 18 Latin American countries, this article explores responses to these questions by addressing three emblematic cases: Chile, Costa Rica and El Salvador – that is, countries where the management of social risks primarily revolves around markets, states and families, respectively. Although the article is exploratory, findings suggest that societal coalitions have been, and are likely to continue to be, weak in market welfare regimes, strong in state welfare regimes and contingent to policy sectors in familialistic welfare regimes. 相似文献
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In the USA, universal coverage has long been a key objective of liberal reformers. Yet, despite the enactment of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA) (commonly known as ‘Obamacare’) in 2010, the USA is not set to provide health care coverage to all, even if and when that reform is fully implemented. This article explores this issue by asking the following question: Why was a clear commitment to universal coverage, the norm in other industrialized countries, excluded as a core objective of the PPACA and how has post‐enactment politics at both the federal and the state level further shaped coverage issues? The analysis traces the issue of universal coverage prior to the debate over the PPACA, during the 2008 presidential race, and during consideration of the bill. The article then looks at the post‐enactment politics of coverage, with a particular focus on how states have responded to the planned use of the Medicaid programme to expand access to care. The article concludes by discussing how an explanation of the limits of the PPACA, in terms of both its commitment to universal coverage and, more importantly, the failure to provide comprehensive health insurance to all, requires an understanding of complex institutional and policy dynamics. 相似文献
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明堂是封建社会重要的礼仪建筑。武则天朝的明堂,有其特别之处:武则天修建的明堂担负着禅代的特殊历史使命,它建成后就成为武则天的政治活动中心和心理支撑点;围绕明堂展开和发生的一系列事件,不仅是当时历史的缩影,也从某种角度折射出武则天的种种心态,明堂对当时的政治、社会产生了重大而又微妙的影响,很值得分析和回味。前人对于明堂的研究多是从礼仪和考古的角度对建筑本身进行考察,[1]而很少从政治角度和社会背景上分析,武则天朝的明堂所涵盖的内容已经远远超出了它单纯的建筑含义。 相似文献
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While much research examines the effects of celebrity endorsements in commercial advertising, scholars have only recently sought to investigate the effects of celebrity endorsements of politicians on voter perceptions and behavior. This study expands existing research on celebrity political endorsement effects via an experiment exploring effects of different versions of a news story describing a celebrity's endorsement of a political candidate on participants’ voting attitudes, perceptions of candidate credibility, and voting behavioral intent. Although participants perceive credibility differences between high- and low-credibility celebrities, neither endorser credibility nor endorser sex impact attitudes toward the endorsed candidate, perceptions of the candidate's credibility, or intended voting behavior. Conceptual relationships to other studies on celebrity endorsement effects are discussed, as are implications, limitations, and directions for future research. 相似文献