Tourism and the Hispanicization of race in Jim Crow Miami, 1945-1965

This article examines how Miami's significant presence of Anglo Caribbean blacks and Spanish-speaking tourists critically influenced the evolution of race relations before and after the watershed 1959 Cuban Revolution. The convergence of people from the American South and North, the Caribbean, and Latin America created a border culture in a city where the influx of Bahamian blacks and Spanish-speakers, especially tourists, had begun to alter the racial landscape. To be sure, Miami had many parallels with other parts of the South in regard to how blackness was understood and enforced by whites during the first half of the twentieth century. However, I argue that the city's post-WWII meteoric tourist growth, along with its emergence as a burgeoning Pan-American metropolis, complicated the traditional southern black-white dichotomy. The purchasing power of Spanish-speaking visitors during the postwar era transformed a tourist economy that had traditionally catered to primarily wealthy white transplanted Northerners. This significant change to the city's tourist industry significantly influenced white civic leaders' decision to occasionally modify Jim Crow practices for Latin American vacationers. In effect, Miami's early Latinization had a profound impact on the established racial order as speaking Spanish became a form of currency that benefited Spanish-speaking tourists—even those of African descent. Paradoxically, this ostensibly peculiar racial climate aided the local struggle by highlighting the idiosyncrasies of Jim Crow while perpetuating the second-class status of native-born blacks.     

Self-Esteem and Locus of Control Among American Indian,Black, and White AFDC Recipients

This study compares the self-esteem and locus of control reported by a random sample of 322 American Indian, Black, and White AFDC recipients. Personal interviews were conducted with all respondents. No differences were found among the races on self-esteem and locus of control. Work status and education level were found to be the two demographic characteristics that were significantly correlated with the dependent measure. As such, it was expected that work and higher educational achievement would result in greater self-esteem and internal control. This was found to be true for Blacks and Whites, but not for American Indians. We therefore speculate that this may indicate the greater assimilation and enculturation of Blacks into the predominant White value structure and mainstream society, compared to American Indians.     

Social class,race, and toxic releases in American counties, 1995

This article, using data on 2,083 counties in 1995, tests the environmental racism/classism hypotheses and concludes that both have merit, however, specific findings demonstrate that the relationships are more complex than heretofore reported. Class and race relationships are conditional: while high social class reduces the level of toxic releases, it does so by moderating the relationship between fiscal capacity, pollution potential and this environmental harm. Further, while toxic releases increase as a function of the Black population, this relationship is stronger in the Sunbelt.     

Widening the gap: White ignorance,race relations and the consequences for Aboriginal people in Australia

White ignorance has a critical impact on race relations and is implicated in the maintenance of Aboriginal disadvantage. Addressing this ignorance is a largely overlooked capacity-building opportunity within Australia's non-Aboriginal population. It warrants consideration as a key component of strategies targeting Aboriginal disadvantage. Despite the established links between race relations and Aboriginal well-being, Aboriginal perspectives on non-Aboriginal people rarely feature in public discourse on “Aboriginal problems.” This paper draws on data from 180 in-depth interviews with 44 Aboriginal people in Darwin on the topic of White Australian people, culture and race relations. It reports Aboriginal perceptions of White Australian ignorance across areas of great symbolic and practical significance to Aboriginal people's lives. Their experience is that most White Australians are ignorant of the history of colonisation and the complexities of its aftermath. They are ignorant of Aboriginal law, cultures and languages, and of the extent of their own ignorance. The call to address White ignorance subverts assumptions about whose ignorance and capacity must be dealt with in order to progress national goals of reconciliation, address Aboriginal disadvantage and achieve justice and equality for Aboriginal people.     

近代山东民团研究(1911—1930)

本文重点论述近代以来,尤其是在1911—1930年间,山东民团兴起的社会背景、组织状况以及其存在的积极作用和弊端及其影响。从而认为,近代山东民团作为一种民众自卫武装力量。一方面在维护基层社会稳定和防御土匪侵扰等方面起了一定的积极作用,但另一方面,随着社会环境的恶化,由于自身存在的缺陷,民团也在一定程度上自觉不自觉地走向土匪化,而民团的土匪化则是近代以来山东土匪世界形成的一个重要来源。     

国家利益与20世纪30年代美国东亚政策

在太平洋战争爆发之前的20世纪30年代,美国的东亚政策直接影响了东亚国际格局的形态和发展变化,而且一直掀动着当事国家乃至世界所有历史学研究者的热烈争论。从国家利益分析的角度重新认识这些问题,我们会发现有些看似顺理成章的观点,诸如由于美国绥靖政策纵容了日本的侵略,最后导致了太平洋战争的爆发;假如美国早期干涉、阻止日本在东亚的侵略,东方的法西斯就会受到遏制等,其实仍值得商榷。我们似乎已经给美国的东亚政策赋予了一个国际政治伦理基础,成为美国以后国际干涉行动的理由。之所以如此是因为:第一,分析主体定位游移不定,从而造成分析的逻辑关系混乱;第二,对国家利益认知理论在国际关系和外交政策分析中的地位,及其使用的方法存在误区和不够成熟。当我们追问美国为什么没有这样做的时候,就会发现关于国家利益的分析是十分必要的。     

Black, with a White Parent, a Positive and Achievable Identity

Correspondence to Beverley Prevatt Goldstein, Centre for Applied Social Studies. University of Durham, 15 Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HL, UK. Summary This paper focuses on black children with a white parent inBritain. It is based on historical, research and theoreticalmaterial deriving largely from anti-racist and psychologicalframeworks and synthesizes and critically reappraises the existingresearch on black children with a white parent, living withtheir original families, in Britain. The objective is to ‘normalize’black children with a white parent by identifying and rejectingthe forces that pathologize them. The paper therefore highlightsthe racism, marginalization and alienation which are likelyto impact on their world so that action may be taken to combatthese. A lack of clarity as to the personal and political complexityof identity has hampered professional perspectives and intervention.The paper consequently explores, from a postmodernist blackperspective, the ‘racial’ self-concepts that areavailable to this group, identifying their underlying agendasand their consequences. It concludes that the availability ofthe self-concept ‘black, with a white parent’, offeredin the framework of change, multiplicity and individuality,is beneficial. However any consideration of ‘racial’self-concept or identity is deemed productive only when combinedwith efforts to reduce racism, marginalization and alienation.     

英帝国与美国革命初期的黑人军队——以南部殖民地为中心的考察(1775-1778)

美国革命初期,黑人军队问题在英帝国中心和英属北美的南部殖民地引起广泛关注.在弗吉尼亚殖民地,总督约翰.穆雷组建了一支黑人军队以镇压爱国者的政治叛乱.而在伦敦,囿于国内人民的反对和其他因素的制约,英帝国中央政府最终否决了组建黑人军队的提议,转而联合土著印第安人和白人效忠派.为了回应帝国中央政府所执行的政策,南部殖民地的爱国者试图阻止非洲奴隶反叛、白人效忠派起义和印第安人造反.详细考察黑人军队问题有助于我们认识南部殖民地在美国革命初期的特点、政治主体的多样性以及英帝国中心与南部殖民地在政治关系上的变化.