20世纪50-60年代中国人口统计数据考略

论文指出,关于1959-1961年人口死亡规模的争议,源于国家统计局1983年公布的历史人口数据的缺陷。论文验证了国家统计局关于数据来源于公安部门的说明,指出1983年公布的数据就是当年的统计数。论文利用公安系统1957年的大规模分年龄人口和分年龄死亡人口的统计,建构了分年龄人口在1953-1964年间的生存率。根据1953年人口普查分年龄人口与生存率,计算了1964年的预期人口,比较了其与1964年人口普查时实际的分年龄人口,证实了当年确实有大量的人口损失存在。     

概念的可操作化与资料评估：大跃进与困难时期人口研究的难点

论文提出"非正常死亡"概念是难以操作化的,同时中国20世纪50-60年代的人口数据质量并不太高,影响了对大跃进与困难时期的人口研究,因此当前对当年的人口损失研究是无法精确化的.     

困难时期人口死亡率的初步分解分析

本文对困难时期人口死亡率作了比较深入的分析 ,从整体上认为当年男性人口的损失比女性大 ,年龄大的人口损失比年龄小的严重。对被海外学者高估的婴儿死亡率和认为女孩在困难时期损失更加严重的观点提出不同看法     

分年龄死亡人口的双重分组及其应用

众所周知,每个年龄组的死亡人口都来自两个出生同年群。例如,0岁死亡人口D_0就由当年出生当年死亡人口 D’_0和上年出生今年死亡人口 D”_0组成,即 D_0=D’_0+D”_0。在涉及人口死亡的各种人口指标的计算中,通常由于无法将这两部分死亡人口分开,只好利用一些公式以获得近似的数据。我国第四次人口普查登记了死亡人口的出生年月和死亡年月,为将死亡人口既按死亡年龄又按出生年度汇总提供了可能。本文拟就昆明市对1989年7月至1990年6月(普查时点前一年)死亡人口进行双重分组及初步应用情况做一些探讨。     

1976年世界各国人口基本数字

我们在这里译载的是美国人口情报社编制的《1976年世界人口资料表》。表中数字是该社根据联合国出版物发表的数字以及各国官方发表的资料进行估计而得。该社每年年中即出版一份当年的世界人口资料表,对当年世界各国和各地区人口基本数字作出最新估计,对了解世界人口状况,具有一定参考价值。     

大跃进后人口损失的若干问题

本文澄清了有关大跃进以后困难时期人口损失的几个概念，并且对该时期的人口损失作了初步估计，根据高死亡率地区的特点，对国外学者的一些论点提出商榷，研究了人口负增长地区的空间布局，指出困难时期人口损失与大跃进的破坏和自然条件之间存在一定关系     

出生人口性别比研究（实践篇） 综合治理出生人口性别比偏高问题的实践与探索

近几年来,广东省在关爱女孩、综合治理出生人口性别比偏高问题方面坚持齐抓共管、多措并举、标本兼治,成效显著。根据2005年1％人口抽样调查结果,当年我省出生人口性别比降为119．70;根据全省人口计生统计报表,2009年全省出生人口性别比为109．99。     

当前年度人口计划的困境及对策

年度人口计划是当年人口控制的依据。科学的、合理的人口计划将指导计划生育工作健康、顺利的开展。反之,则不仅计划生育工作受到影响,而且中长期人口计划也难以实现。因此,研究年度人口计划的科学性和可行性,便有着十分重要的现实意义。下面,本文就这个问题谈谈自己的看法:     

《哈尔滨人口变迁》简评

薛连举同志离休后，花了近１０年时间完成的《哈尔滨人口变迁》一书，反映了哈尔滨历史和现实人口状况。 哈尔滨是一座近代新兴城市。１８９８年修筑中东铁路，使哈尔滨从一个散落的村屯跨入了近代城市的行列，经济、社会状况发生了巨大变化，人口呈爆炸式的增长，人口状况变动之大是罕见的。但是，由于历史原因，解放前的哈尔滨，政权几经更迭，地域和区划频繁变动，有关人口变动的资料奇缺。当年即或有些零星记载，随着时间的推移，也大都散失。如今仅见到的一点人口统计数据，由于统计口径不一，矛盾百出，长期以来，造成人们对哈尔滨市…     

控制人口增长关键在于常抓不懈

1985年山西省晋城市实行市管县体制以来,在百业待举的情况下,我们坚持一手抓建设,全面振兴晋城经济;一手抓计划生育,严格控制人口增长。当年,全市人口出生率由1984年的14.10‰降到12.20‰,人口自然增长率由5.92‰降到4.30‰。1986年,     

The population growth in the city of Beijing and our present tasks (author's transl)]

Concern for the rapid population growth since 1949 of China's second largest city, Beijing, is discussed in terms of population control, migration, and rises in the productive development of the city. From 1949 to 1963 the natural rate of population increased from 7.5 to 35.3%; however, after the introduction of a birth control program in 1971, the natural increase of population declined to 4.02% in 1977. From 1949-1978, the average birth rate was 145,000/year while the average death rate was 46,500/year, leaving the annual average increase in population at 98,000. The natural population increased by 2,340,000 from 1949-1978. The massive population growth since 1949 affected the economic development of the city as well as the country. Cultivated land near Beijing increased from 1949-1952, but because of urban development the land for cultivation decreased by 1,527,000 market acres from that available in 1949 (7,965,000 market acres). Population density increased from 430 persons/ square kilometer in 1962 to 506 persons/ square kilometer in 1978. From 1953 to 1978, production and consumption rates fluctuated with a net balance of only 2020 million catties in the 26 years, causing the need for products to be imported from other areas of the country. Unemployment is exacerbated by the lack of jobs and increasing numbers of people. Transportation problems also have developed. New efforts are being made to inform people of population control by the Beijing Population Association begun in 1979, because Beijing's population will continue to increase until 1989 due to the baby boom years during the fifties which created a 2nd boom in the late 1970s as well as the lack of education on population control. Other programs are being developed to, 1) educate people on economical measures of reducing the population, 2) promote governmental departments to improve birth control programs by means of social security services, child health agencies, and nursing schools, 3) propagandize eugenics and genetic education to enhance the population, and 4) reinforce the propaganda on birth control and technical guidance.     

人口老龄化、人口增长与经济增长——来自中国省际面板数据的实证证据

利用一个包含人力资本的柯布-道格拉斯生产函数,从索洛增长理论入手,分析人口老龄化和人口增长率对经济增长的影响,理论模型的推理结果表明人口老龄化和人口增长对经济增长均产生不利影响。再根据理论模型的结果构造了人口老龄化和人口增长影响经济增长的实证模型,收集和使用中国1990～2008年的省级面板数据对理论模型的推理结果进行实证检验,证实了理论模型的推理结果。实证研究还表明:(1)初始的人均GDP对经济增长的影响为负,说明中国的区域经济发展出现了条件收敛的情形;(2)人力资本投资、储蓄率和劳动参与率对经济增长有着显著的正向促进作用。     

Family planning achievements as suggested by changes of total fertility and party birth rate]

The dynamic characteristics of China's 5 distinct stages of population development since the People's Republic of China was established in 1949, namely, 1950-1958, 1959-1963, 1964-1970, 1971-1981, and 1982-present, are outlined and discussed. By tracing both the overall rate of population growth and age-specific fertility rates for women aged 15-45 (5-year groups), a clear pattern emerges which indicates that the rates of early and late fertility (ages groups 15-19 and 30-45) are significantly declining. This is interpreted as a key factor in the overall decline in fertility rate. Annual statistics showing the number of children per woman of childbearing age and interval between 1st marriage and 1st birth are compared and discussed. It is concluded that the overall decline in birth rate and fertility rate since the 1970's is attributable to China's successful family planning campaign.     

吉林省人口与生态环境的可持续发展研究

建国后,吉林省的人口发展经历了迅速增长和平稳下降两个阶段,而由此产生的劳动力就业压力和人口老龄化问题在未来几十年内将不容忽视。同时,人口的压力也造成了吉林省资源的紧张、生态的破坏。因此,我们要进一步提高人口质量,控制人口数量,才能真正实现人口与资源、环境的可持续发展。     

中国人口再分布的社会经济合理性及其“多中心集聚”分析

文章通过人口、经济不均衡性及重心变动分析,充分揭示了当前我国人口分布的空间格局及其变化状况。结果表明,中国人口区域偏集依然严重,且还有加剧的趋势,同时“人口一经济”间的契合度也不高,甚至还出现人口重心移动与投资重心移动相背离的情况,这对近期人口空间格局的发展非常不利。为此,研究认为,在当前的中国人口、经济形势下,构建以“多中心集聚”为导向、“人的城镇化”为内涵的新型城镇化体系,是未来进行人口合理再分布的必由之举。     

宁夏人口增长：结构性差异和自回归预测

本文在回顾已有关于宁夏人口预测方法和结论的基础上,首先用Chow检验法检验了建国以来宁夏人口变动特征。结果表明宁夏人口增长出现了显著的结构性差异,然后用扩展的Dicky-Fuller检验法验证了宁夏人口数量、宁夏人口占全国人口的比例为单位根过程,而宁夏人口增长率为带常数和时间趋势项的平稳随机过程,最后利用建立的宁夏人口增长量、宁夏人口占全国人口比例一阶差分自回归模型预测了未来宁夏人口规模。预计宁夏人口在占全国人口中的比例会进一步增加。人口将从2009年的625万增加到2050年865万。     

Retrospect and prospect of China's population

This discussion of the population of China covers the reproductive pattern and fertility rate, the death pattern and mortality, age-sex structure of the population, population and employment, urbanization, migration, and the aging of the population. During the 1949-83 period, China almost doubled her population with an annual natural growth rate of 19/1000. China's reproductive pattern developed from early childbearing, short birth spacing and many births to later childbearing, longer birth spacing and fewer births. China's total fertility rate (TFR) was 5.8 in 1950 and 2.1 in 1983 with an annual decrease of 3%. The annual national income grew at a rate of 7.1%, while the annual growth rate of population 1.9% from 1950-82. Consequently, the national income per capita increased from 50 yuan in 1950 to 338 yuan in 1982. The major factor responsible for the changes is the remarkable decline in the rural fertility rate. The crude death rate dropped from 27.1/1000 in 1963 to 7.1 in 1983 and the infant mortality rate from 179.4/1000 live births in 1936 to 36.6 in 1981. There was also a significant change in the causes of death. Population aged 0-14 in China account for 33.6%, 15-49 for 51.3%, and 50 and over for 15.1% of the total population. China is in the process of transition from an expansive to a stationary population. The age-dependency ratio declined from 68.6% in 1953 and 79.4% in 1964 to 62.6% in 1982. Sex ratios recorded in the 3 population censuses are 105.99 in 1953, 105.45 in 1964, and 105.46 in 1982. Employment in both collective and individual economies did not expand until 1978. Sectoral, occupational, and industrial structures of population started to change rationally with the adjustment and reform of economic management system in 1978. The strategic stress on the employment of China's economically active population should be shifted from farming to diversified economy and urban industry and commerce, from sectors of industrial-agricultural production to those of non-material production, and from expansion of employment to the rise of employment efficiency. The proportion of urban population in China accounted for 20.8% in 1982 with an annual growth rate of 4% during the 1949-82 period. The 1982 population census reveals that 94.4% of China's population resides on the southeast side of Aihui-Tengchong Line. Compared with the statistics in 1953, there was no notable change of the unbalanced population distribution on each side of the Line over the last 50 years. China is comparatively young in its population age structure. 1982 census data show that there were 49.29 million people at age 65 and over in 1982, representing 4.91% of the whole population. It is estimated from the age composition of 1982 and age-specific mortality rate of 1981 that there will be 88 million elderly persons by 2000, 150 million by 2020, and about 300 million as a maximum around 2040.     

北京市外来劳动人口从业类型及居住地的省份聚集性分析

本文利用北京市1997年外来人口普查20％的抽样数据,对分省的北京市外来人口的从业类型及居住地进行统计分析。统计检验表明来自同一省份外来人口在京从业类型及居住具有一定聚集性,如浙江的自我雇用性的私营业,安徽的建筑“铁军”等;丰台区的“浙江村”,朝阳区的“河南村”等。同时利用社会网络理论,从外来工的迁移形式、就业信息源、在城市中的交往方式角度入手,探讨以省份为特征的从业类型及聚居现象形成的可能的内在原因。     

Explicating donor trends for population assistance

Using population assistance data, this study divides donor trends for population assistance into five distinct epochs: until the mid-1960s, the population hysteria of the 1960s and 1970s, Bucharest Conference and beyond, the 1984 Mexico City conference, and the 1990s. A number of decisive events, as well as changing views of the population problem, characterise each period and have affected the sums of population assistance from donor nations. Taking a long-term view of global population assistance, the research shows that four factors account for most of the historical funding trends from primary donors: the association between population assistance and foreign aid, the role of alarmists and doomsayers in the public debate over population issues, individuals in a position of power within donor governments, and decennial international population conferences.     

An analysis of the 1987 population situation in China]

Presented here is an analysis of some of the manually collected data from a 1% random sample of China's population taken on 7/1/87. 1)Population growth: The population grew 6.36% from 1982-87 to give a total population of 1,072,330,000. Even though the average annual growth rate of 1.24% during these years is slower than the growth rate of the 1950s and 1960s, this does not mean that China can be complacent about it. Due to China's large population base, every year its population increases by about 13,000,000, with serious implications for consumerism, education and labor. The natural rate of growth dropped during 1982-84, but by 1987, it had increased again to 1981 levels. If China is to limit its population to 1.25 billion by 2000, the average annual growth rate must remain below 1.23%, which is lower than the figures of recent years. 2) Sex differences: the population was 51.1% male and 48.9% female. 3) Age structure: 28.68% of the population were 14 years and younger; 65.86% were between 15-64 years; 5.46% were 65 years and older. The median age was 24.2 years. The percentage of the 0-14 year bracket dropped about 7.6% from 1953-87, while the 15-64 year olds increased 6.6% and the 65 years and older group increased 1%. On the surface, a 1% increase of the aged would not present a problem to China taken as a whole. However, when densely populated areas such as Shanghai are looked at, the situation demands immediate attention. 4) Ethnic groups: 92% of the population were Han. Minorities increased 5% annually between 1982-87 to comprise 8% of the population. This rapid growth among minorities is due in part to official permission for families to bear more than one child, and to better sanitary and medical attention. 6) Population distribution: 37.1% of the population lived in urban areas, as compared with 10% in 1949. By 1990 the urban population could reach 40%, creating serious social, economic and political pressure on cities.