THE EFFECTS OF RACE OF THE INTERVIEWER ON MEASURES OF ELECTORAL PARTICIPATION BY BLACKS IN SRC NATIONAL ELECTION STUDIES

This study investigates the effect of the race of the intervieweron self-reported voting, actual voting, and political attitudesof black respondents, based on the SRC/CPS National ElectionStudies (NES) of 1964, 1976, 1978, 1980, and 1984. The impactof race of the interviewer in the NES surveys has not been analyzedpreviously. Over the course of the five studies, the proportionof black respondents who were interviewed by black interviewersdeclined sharply, particularly in the South. Almost all whiterespondents were interviewed by whites. Except for southern blacks in the pre-Voting Rights Act electionof 1964, black nonvoters in the presidential election surveys     

COMMON LAW, STATUTE LAW, AND THE THEORY OF LEGISLATIVE CHOICE: AN INQUIRY INTO THE GOAL OF THE SHERMAN ACT

Although the Sherman Antitrust Act is more than a century old, debate continues over its goals. In contrast to what many have argued, I contend that the Act's main goal is to maximize economic efficiency, rather than the welfare of consumers. The Sherman Act is a modest extension of the common law, which the "Law and Economics" literature indicates moves towards economic efficiency. Further, unlike the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887, Sherman Act decisions are made by courts, not a regulatory agency. Thus, the theory of legislature choice also implies that the goal of the Act is to maximize economic efficiency.     

美国戏剧的时间重构现象——浅析《我们的小镇》时间结构

文中旨在通过《我们的小镇》这一典型剧作，透析后现代主义对戏剧写作的影响，以及戏剧中时间重构现象的形成。探讨了一种新型的艺术手法：通过生死世界的对话将从而彻底推翻传统意义上的时间概念，创造了新时代戏剧的多维时间结构。     

THE LEGISLATIVE HISTORY OF THE SHERMAN ACT RE-EXAMINED

According to Robert Bork's influential analysis, the Sherman Act was expressly instituted by the 51st Congress to advance consumer welfare, but has often been misinterpreted by federal courts handing down anticonsumer decisions. This paper suggests that the political coalition backing the 1890 antitrust statute sought multiple social ends and did not faithfully seek to impose economic efficiency. The key evidence includes historical economic trends, congressional debate, the legislative agenda of Senator John Sherman, and the political conflict generated by the most contentious (and most electorally important) issue of the 51st Congress: the highly protectionist McKinley Tariff Act.     

LEVERAGING THE POWER OF THE ETHNIC ENCLAVE: RESIDENTIAL INSTABILITY AND VIOLENCE IN LATINO COMMUNITIES

Early Chicago school thinkers linked crime to the disorganizing influx of Eastern European immigrants and black migrants from the South. Extending this to contemporary concerns, we use Census and Vital Statistics data to examine whether migration to ethnic enclaves among Latinos and blacks raises violence. It appears that when Latinos settle in their ethnic enclaves, violence in their communities declines. Contrary to Chicago school assertions, this improves economic conditions and strengthens group ties as the community mobilizes to receive newcomers. In contrast, such migration does not dampen violence in black communities. We discuss the implications of this for ecological theorizing.     

FURTHER ANALYSIS OF THE THEORY OF ECONOMIC REGULATION: THE CASE OF THE 1969 COAL MINE HEALTH AND SFNETY ACT

How does government regulation influence the structure of industries? In the coal mining industry increased sfnety can be provided with personal protection devices or with engineering controls; but the type of sfnety standard imposed is important because larger producers have a comparative advantage complying with engineering controls. Time series evidence indicates that the 1969 Coal Mine Health and Sfnety Act, by imposing engineering controls, drove out smaller, less sfne mines, thereby shifting production toward larger mines.     

THE ECONOMICS OF TENANT RIGHTS IN NINETEENTH CENTURY IRISH AGRICULTURE

The Land Act of 1870, which introduced "tenant rights" to most of Ireland, was the prototype of the modern land reform. This paper develops an alternative to the conventional view that the Land Act was instituted to redistribute wealth. It is suggested that tenant rights became economically valuable as a result of massive emigration from Ireland in the nineteenth century. Data on land rents and landlord investment are consistent with this "efficiency" hypothesis, and tend to refute the "redistribution" hypothesis.     

The influence of retail outlet and FSMA information on consumer perceptions of and willingness to pay for organic grape tomatoes

The primary objective of this research was to determine the effect of retail outlet (supercenter, supermarket, farmers market, fresh format) on consumer perceptions of and willingness to pay (WTP) for organic grape tomatoes. Also examined was whether information on the proposed Food Safety Modernization Act (FSMA) regulations, with and without information on tomato safety, altered these aspects across retail outlets. Field experiments were conducted with 207 participants in two U.S. states in fall 2014 to address these questions. Consumers’ perceptions and WTP varied significantly by retail outlet, with farmers markets and fresh format stores receiving the most favorable evaluations and supercenters the least. With FSMA information, safety perceptions fell significantly for the favored outlets and mostly increased for supercenters. Participants’ felt no producers should be exempt from the FSMA and viewed farmers markets vendors as most likely to be exempt. Unexpectedly though, these changes seldom translated into changes in WTP. Further, in treatments with added tomato safety information, supercenters saw no safety rating benefit. Overall, it was clear the organic label was not viewed equally across different retail outlets.     

Beyond the “Usual Suspects”? Reimagining Democracy With Participatory Budgeting in Chicago

This article examines whether democratic innovations in the United States attract citizens who are typically underrepresented within existing political institutions. We focus on participatory budgeting, an intervention where residents decide how to allocate a particular pot of public money. Taking “PB Chicago” as our case study, we use survey and interview data to examine whether organizers realized their stated goal of involving residents other than the “usual suspects.” We find that residents who voted in PB Chicago were more often white, college educated, and from higher‐income households relative to both the local population and politically active residents in Chicago. While these residents were not necessarily the most active across other stages of the PB Chicago process, we find little evidence that lower socioeconomic status and minority residents were accessing the civic learning and empowerment gains associated with participatory forms of democracy. Outreach made the process more inclusive but was insufficient to overcome several important structural constraints. Of particular note, the needs and interests of less privileged residents were not met by the narrow capital works focus of PB Chicago. We suggest that when implemented under such conditions, participatory budgeting risks deepening existing political and social inequalities.     

THE BEHAVIOR OF REGULATORY ACTIVITY OVER THE BUSINESS CYCLE: AN EMPIRICAL TEST

This paper tests a prediction of the interest-group theory of regulation which suggests that regulators generally will not force any one group to bear the full adjustment costs associated with variations in the business cycle. That is, the interest-group model predicts that regulatory agencies will redistribute cyclical gains and losses by supplying more "producer protection" regulation during contractions and more "consumer protection" regulation during expansions; i.e., regulatory activity which reduces consumer welfare will tend to be countercyclical, intensifying when aggregate demand falls and abating as demand increases.
The empirical results show a countercyclical and statistically significant ceteris paribus relationship between Federal Trade Commission enforcement efforts under the Robinson-Patman Act and several alternative measures of general business conditions. Since the Robinson-Patman Act is viewed widely as anti-consumer, the findings suggest that in cyclical downturns the Commission moves to protect producers against losses by bringing more cases which limit the tendency for prices to fall. This result may be rationalized under the view that during recessions, the Federal Trade Commission is in the business of transferring wealth from consumers either to protect small business or to bolster cartels. On the other hand, during business expansions the Commission reduces its Robinson-Patman case load, and such a change in enforcement may serve to mitigate producer gains, transferring wealth to consumers at the margin. In any case the paper offers empirical support for the interest-group model by providing evidence that the business cycle plays an important part in explaining the level and pattern of regulatory activity.     

Rights and Access to Plant Genetic Resources under India's New Law

Recognition of ‘Farmer's Rights’ is an attempt by developing countries to evolve a counterclaim to breeders' Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs) promoted under the TRIPs Agreement of the WTO. India is one of the first countries to have granted rights to both breeders and farmers under the Protection of Plant Varieties and Farmers' Rights Act, 2001. This multiple rights system aims to distribute rights equitably, but may pose the threat of an ‘anticommons tragedy’ i.e. too many parties independently possessing the right to exclude others from utilising a resource. If under‐utilisation of plant genetic resources results, the Act will have negative consequences for sustaining crop productivity and for the welfare of the very farming communities it seeks to compensate.     

THE CREATION OF POLITICAL SOLIDARITY IN SOCIAL MOVEMENT ORGANIZATIONS*

This article examines the debate within resource mobilization theory concerning the motivation of participants in social movement organizations. Conclusions based on a case study of a Chicago community organization emphasize the importance of political solidarity in movement groups. An argument is made for a stage model of mobilization in which different types of incentives dominate motivation at different levels of involvement in the organization.     

Some economic effects of the California agricultural labor relations act

The California Agricultural Labor Relations Act (CALRA) evolved in the 1970s because the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) excluded agricultural workers. CALRA effectively placed the United Farm Workers Union in a stronger bargaining position vis-a-vis farmers than the NLRA had done for industrial unions vis-a-vis nonfarm business firms. Society has suffered a net economic loss from CALRA and the events preceding its enactment. Since passage of the act, at least three effects have been verified: Relative to conditions that would otherwise have been expected to exist, consumers are facing higher prices; agricultural workers are earning lower wages; and landowners have suffered losses in land values.     

THE EFFECT OF STATE SECURITIES STATUTES ON TENDER OFFER ACTIVITY

The Williams Act passed in 1968, established Federal regulation of cash tender offers. Despite the additional constraints on tender offers provided by this federal legislation, thirty-six states have enacted more stringent securities laws since then. This paper briefly investigates the motivation for the state statutes, and then empirically tests the deterrent effects of these laws on tender offer activity for firms headquartered in the states affected. The evidence indicates that the presence of state statutes does deter tender offers, and that the recently enacted SEC tender offer rules will, ceteris paribus, decrease the total number of offers made by 8%.     

Ambivalent Interactionist: Anselm Strauss and the “schools” of Chicago sociology

This article takes up the discussion recently stimulated through the volume, A Second Chicago School? That book’s connecting postwar Chicago sociology with the “Chicago approach” of mainly the 1910s to 1930s is extended, going back as far as the turn of the twentieth century and also forward to the 1990s, with a view endorsing Simmelian interactionism as opposed to Spencerian utilitarianism. Albion Small, first Chairman of the Chicago Department, introduced a Simmelian sociology to the U.S., and the question arises to what extent this legacy is being realized until today. Using Anselm Strauss as a case in point, the article has two main parts. Part One recapitulates various attempts at understanding the phases and realms of Chicago sociology. The focus is not only on the various “Chicago Schools” that may be separated, but also the differences in the work of three scholars who often are grouped together under the label of Chicago, namely Herbert Blumer, Robert Park, and Everett Hughes. Part Two recollects Strauss’s intellectual biography, as life of a scholar determined to make a contribution to modern sociology, in the name of “Chicago interactionism.” Strauss’s work, however, came to endorse Spencerian-type utilitarianism more than Simmelian-type interactionism from the middle 1960s onwards—thereby joining in with anti-structural functionalism tendencies in American sociology.     

THE INFLUENCE OF IDEOLOGY ON CONGRESSIONAL VOTING

This paper investigates the influence of ideology on congressional voting. The conceptual framework is based on the assumption that the congressman's objective is the maximization of the expected value of his office. A comparative analysis of voting on two proposed floor amendments to the U. S. House Administration Committee's 1974 Federal Election Campaign Act bill indicates that congressmen will ignore ideological considerations when the opportunity cost of not ignoring them is sufficiently high. Voting on one of these amendments is found to be consistent with shirking as broadly defined.     

THE ROMANTIC ANTECEDENTS OF MEADIAN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY*

Mead's life-long interest in Romanticism is the least studied aspect of his work. As summarized in Movements of Thought in the Nineteenth Century, Meadian explorations in romantic philosophy and sociology provide a valuable insight into his substantive contributions. The present paper seeks to amplify this insight and explores its relevance to the interactionist tradition in sociology. Special attention is given to the Meadian claim that the modern notion of self first appears in the romantic literature. Mead's emphasis on the interplay between the social structure and the structure of the self is linked to the romantic vision of the self as the microcosm of the social macrocosm. The current controversy over Mead and Chicago sociology is given a new interpretation in light of the dialectical premises inherent in the Meadian and romantic theories of self.     

"A DUALISTIC VISION": ROBERT EZRA PARK AND THE CLASSICAL ECOLOGICAL THEORY OF SOCIAL INEQUALITY

Although struggle, domination, competition, and hierarchy were central concerns of Robert Park and the human ecologists during the 1920s and 1930s, they did not specifically set out to articulate a comprehensive theory of social inequality in their work. Indeed, the period of Chicago school dominance has been portrayed by some analysts as one during which sociologists for the most part ignored the study of social inequality. This article suggests, by contrast, that social inequality was a central focus of the human ecological perspective and outlines the basic assumptions, intellectual origins, components, structure, and logic of the classical ecological account of inequality.     

The Segregation of Social Interactions in the Red Line L‐Train in Chicago

This study documents how residential segregation is visible in social interactions in the (semi) public space of the red line L‐train in Chicago. While public spaces are often celebrated as spaces of cosmopolitanism, people tend to interact mainly with people who look similar and appear to be living in the same area in Chicago. People of different race and class, represented by the station where they board the train, do not encounter each other much in the L‐train because of the existing residential segregation in the city of Chicago. Blacks ride from the south to downtown while whites ride from the north to downtown. Different time frames are reserved for different people. Furthermore, on the train itself people prefer to be interacting with and sit next to people who appear alike; who seem to be from the same part of the city. Hence, I argue that social interactions on the subway are mainly an expression of geographical and social exclusion in the city. Residential segregation is visible in the “segregation of social interactions” in the red line L‐train. Consequently, while de jure segregation has been abolished in the 1960s in Chicago, segregating practices are still going on de facto in everyday life.     

EFFECTS OF RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION AND NEIGHBORHOOD OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE ON THE EMPLOYMENT OF BLACK AND WHITE YOUTH

The object of this article is to consider the impact of local labor market opportunities on the employment of youth, and to evaluate the extent to which residential segregation is detrimental to the employment of young blacks. In the study, labor force statistics for white and black youth are related to job availability estimates derived from Dun and Bradstreet business data for 74 neighborhood communities in the city of Chicago. The findings underscore the unique role of local labor markets, especially for youth enrolled in school. Job availability has a strong impact on the employment ratio of blacks, but affects the employment of white youth only slightly. It appears, however, that when job availability is controlled, blacks benefit somewhat from segregation. The implications for job redistribution and its possible effect on the racial employment gap are discussed.