Recasting citizenship: Introduction

Theory and Society -     

A primer on citizenship

Theory and Society -     

The erosion of citizenship

The Marshallian paradigm of social citizenship has been eroded because the social and economic conditions that supported postwar British welfare consensus have been transformed by economic and technological change. This article argues that effective entitlement was based on participation in work, war and reproduction, resulting in three types of social identity: worker-citizens, warrior-citizens and parent-citizens. The casualization of labour and the technological development of war have eroded work and war as routes to active citizenship. Social participation through reproduction remains important, despite massive changes to marriage and family as institutions. In fact the growth of new reproductive technologies have reinforced the normative dominance of marriage as a social relation. These rights of reproduction are described as 'reproductive citizenship'. The article also considers the role of voluntary associations in Third-Way strategies as sources of social cohesion in societies where social capital is in decline, and argues that the voluntary sector is increasingly driven by an economic logic of accumulation. With the erosion of national citizenship, Marshall's three forms of rights (legal, political and social) have been augmented by rights that are global, namely environmental, aboriginal and cultural rights. These are driven by global concerns about the relationship between environment, community and body such that the quest for social security has been replaced by concerns for ontological security.     

Dual citizenship and political integration

On the premise that representative government cannot properly function without the political participation of a large active segment of its constituents represented by permanent immigrants without citizenship, this article 1) reviews some attempts to resolve such an anomalous situation; 2) suggests naturalization as an instrument to correct it and describes the naturalization rate and the reasons for the low propensity for naturalization in various North European countries; 3) surveys the phenomenon of dual citizenship, the reasons for its increase as well as its increase as well as its inconveniences and advantages; and 4) hypothesizes that future increases in dual citizenship will protect political integration. Labor immigration will probably not be encouraged again, as it was some 20 years ago, but large international migration will take place both within Europe and to Europe from other continents. There are many indications that in the future many more Europeans will possess dual or multiple nationality, and this, in combination with more weight on a person's effective residence, will promote political integration of those large groups of immigrants and their descendants, who now stand outside the political systems without proper representation.     

Social quality and community citizenship

Community citizenship refers to the possession by members of a community of a range of social and cultural rights and responsibilities by virtue of their membership of that community and as a distinct element of their national citizenship rights. This paper deals with 'community as ethnos': viz. a cultural community that manifests itself most clearly in minority ethnic and/or religious groups. Criteria for the effective introduction of community citizenship are discussed in relation to the notion of social quality, with particular regard to its elements of community empowerment and social cohesion, along with social inclusion and socio-economic security. Prototypes of community citizenship are introduced as follows: (i) full community citizenship; (ii) partial, undifferentiated community citizenship; (iii) partial, differentiated community citizenship ('ethnic citizenship'); (iv) 'discriminated citizenship' where notional formal access to national citizenship is granted to members of all communities but is negated by institutional discrimination. It is argued that steps taken to enhance the empowerment and social cohesion of communities in the last category above can, with the consent of national government, lead to the institution of at least partial community citizenship. Die Kategorie des formellen Mitgliedsstatus ('citizenship') in einer Gemeinschaft bezieht sich auf den Besitz einer Reihe sozialer und kultureller Rechte sowie auf Verantwortlichkeiten, die den Mitgliedern einer Gemeinschaft aufgrund eben dieser Mitgliedschaft zuwächst und die zudem ein eindeutiges Element ihrer nationalen Staatsbürgerrechte darstellen. Dieser Aufsatz beschäftigt sich mit 'Gemeinschaft als Ethnos' im Sinne einer kulturellen Gemeinschaft, die sich am deutlichsten in minoritären ethnischen oder religiösen Gruppen manifestiert. Unter Bezug auf die mit dem Konzept von Sozialer Qualität verbundenen Konnotationen werden die Kriterien für die formelle Mitgliedschaft in Gemeinschaften diskutiert, und zwar insbesondere im Hinblick auf die Element des 'empowerment' von Gemeinschaften, des sozialen Zusammenhaltes, der gesellschaftlichen Inklusion und in sozio-ökonomischer Sicherheit. Es werden verschiedene prototypische Formen formeller Mitgliedschaft in Gemeinschaften vorgestellt: (I) vollständige Mitgliedschaft; (II) partielle, nicht-differenzierte Mitgliedschaft; (III) partielle, differenzierte Mitgliedschaft ('ethnische Mitgliedschaft'); (IV) 'diskriminierte Mitgliedschaft', bei der den Mitgliedern aller Gemeinschaften zwar nominell ein Zugang zum nationalen Bürgerstatus zugestanden, dieser aber zugleich durch institutionelle Diskriminierung wieder negiert wird. Das Argument geht dahin, daß durch Schritte zu einer Verstärkung des 'empowerment' und des sozialen Zusammenhaltes in Gemeinschaften der letztgenannten Kategorie mit Zustimmung der nationalen Regierung die Institutionalisierung einer zumindest partiellen Mitgliedschaft in Gemeinschaften herbeigeführt werden kann. La ciudadania comunitaria se refiere a la posesión por parte de miembros de la comunidad de un amplio rango de derechos sociales y culturales asi como de responsabilidades en su calidad de miembros de una comunidad y como un elemento distintivo de sus derechos nacionales de ciudadania. Este articulo trata de 'la comunidad como etnos': el tipo de comunidad que se manifiesta más claramente en grupos étnicos minoritarios y/o religiosos. Se discuten los criterios para la introducción efectiva de la ciudadania comunitaria relacionándolos con la noción de calidad social, con especial mención a sus elementos de apoderamiento comunitario y cohesión social, junto con los referidos a la inclusión social y seguridad socioeconómica. Se introducen diferentes prototipos de ciudadania comunitaria: (i) plena ciudadania comunitaria; (ii) ciudadania communitaria parcial y no diferenciada; (iii) ciudadania comunitaria parcialy y diferenciada ('ciudadania é'); (iv) 'ciudadania discriminatoria' donde el concepto formal de acceso a la ciudadania nacional está garantizada para todos los miembros de la comunidad pero negada por la discriminación institucional. Se argumenta que los pasos en la dirección de favorecer el apoderamiento y la cohesión social de las comunidades en la última categoria pueden lievar, con el consentimiento del gobierno nacional, al menos a la creación de una ciudadania comunitaria parcial. La citoyenneté communautaire se réfère à la possession par les membres d'une communauteé d'un ensemble de responsabilités et de droits culturels et sociaux, en vertue de leur appartenance à cette communatué et en tant qu'élément distinct de leurs droits de citoyenneté nationale. Cet article traite de 'la communauté comme ethnos', c'est à dire d'une communauté qui se manifeste le plus clairement dans les groupes ethniques et/ou religieux minoritaires. Les critères d'une présentation efficace de la citoyenneté comunautaire sont abordés en lien avec la notion de qualité sociale, avec une attention particulière apportée à ses éléments de capacitation ('empowerment') communautaire et de cohésion sociale, ainsi qu'à l'intégration sociale et la sécurité socio-économique. Des modèles de citoyenneté communautaire sont présentés comme suit : 1) citoyenneté communautaire totale; 2) citoyenneté communautaire partiale et indifférenciée; 3) citoyenneté communautaire partiale et différenciée ('citoyenneté ethnique'); 4) 'citoyenneté discriminatoire', quand l'accès imaginaire formel à la citoyenneté nationale est accordé aux membres de toutes les communautés mais est nié par la discrimination institutionnelle. Les auteurs soutiennent que les étapes vers un renforcement de l'empowerment et de la cohésion sociale des communautés de cette dernière catégorie peuvent, avec le consentement du gouvernement national, mener à l'instauration d'une citoyenneté communautaire moins partiale.     

Making sense of the new geography of citizenship: Fragmented citizenship in the European Union

Theory and Society -     

社会保险权的历史发展:从工业公民资格到社会公民资格

伴随着现代社会保障制度的改革与发展,社会保险权的发展轨迹也愈加清晰:从德国《1881年帝国诏书》中面向劳工阶级的"书面性"权利,到美国1935年《社会保障法案》中"较为丰满"的法定权利,再到1942年《贝弗里奇报告》描画的国民普享式社会权利,并经受住了20世纪70年代末以来"新保守主义及其政策导向的考验",经历了从工业公民资格到社会公民资格的螺旋式演进。在这个过程中,社会保险制度呈现出的全民化、福利化和私营化趋向,已经、正在、未来必将继续影响社会保险权的发展。     

Anthropology and the theorisation of citizenship

In this paper I argue for the importance of theorising citizenship as an independent axis of social inequality in the contemporary world. As a foil, I take two intertwined tendencies within anthropological writings on migration. First is the historical trend of anthropology as a discipline to theorise against the grain of the nation-state. Second is the tendency within anthropological studies of transnationalism and migration to theorise their subject in terms of Marxian understandings of class and exploitation or in terms of the intersecting dimensions of race, class and gender (but not citizenship). The result of these approaches is to elide the role of national boundaries and citizenship as significant theoretical objects in themselves. To build my approach, I contrast the production of migrant ‘illegality’ in three national contexts: the United States, China and Australia.     

Marshall, Mannheim and contested citizenship

In this paper we address tensions in Marshall's account of the successive emergence of civil, political and social rights in citizenship. These tensions were Marshall's implicit and typically modern assumption of human nature, his privileging of the analytical rationality that follows from it, and the disjunction between the fixity of that rationality and the 'evolution' of his central metaphor. When he returned to it by emphasizing strains between democratic, welfare and capitalist moments that were co-present in the 'hyphenated society' rather than successive, he did so in a pessimistic tone at odds with the progressive modernism of his first schema. Although Marshall noted that conflicting principles in citizenship arose 'from the very roots of our social order', he did not elaborate the point in this first tripartite model. We argue that by adopting a single and typically modern form of rationality Marshall foreclosed on the contradictions that he held to be characteristic of academic disputes over citizenship. Since Mannheim had focused on the effects of such contradictions, his work allows a fruitful revisiting of Marshall's themes. To blend the two models we read Marshall through Karl Mannheim's early studies of political knowledge. Here Mannheim had anticipated the shift from stages to co-presence, and had prefigured a resolution of Marshall's sense of impasse. In his account of liberal, socialist and conservative thought-styles--the ways of seeing and knowing that are characteristic of particular ways of life--he saw political change as a dynamic interactive effect of individually calculating, dialectically collective and culturally symbolic forms of rationality.     

Social professionals' perceptions of activating citizenship

This article reports on qualitative research among 48 social professionals, managers and policymakers and their perceptions of activating citizenship, social work roles and responsibilities, carried out in Utrecht and Tartu. Professionals from both countries agreed to the idea of activating citizenship but stressing the perspective of personalised or lived citizenship, each person to his own capacities and embedded in the personal context. Nearly all respondents were critical about the recognition of social workers as a full profession, about the new management way of steering social work and about cooperation between different groups of professionals and services. Although both countries have quite different historical and cultural backgrounds, the authors found many similarities among social workers regarding their ideas on support, participation and commitment to the people they work for and work with. International research projects contribute to a more strongly recognised social work theory and social work practice by getting a better understanding, in particular of the way social work adapts to different contexts but from a highly recognisable international discourse within social work.     

Vulnerability and disability: a citizenship perspective

This article discusses vulnerability and disability focusing on inclusion and citizenship, inspired by Martha Nussbaum’s capabilities approach and Martha Fineman’s vulnerability theory. A public speech held at the 200th anniversary of the Norwegian Constitution is used as an exemplary case. The speaker, a woman with Down syndrome, challenges the Norwegian politic of inclusion. By drawing on perspectives from Nussbaum and Fineman, the article argues that a political concept of the person must emphasize individuals as vulnerable together with a recognition of disability as inherent in humanity. Vulnerability and disability are equally important for building future societies characterized by non-discrimination and equal citizenship.     

Disability,social groups,and political citizenship

The problem raised in this article is whether disabled people can and should be considered as a social group with respect to political representation. The question is first discussed on the basis of theories of social and status groups. Next, the article examines how the topic is reflected empirically at the local political level in Norway, expressed by party political leaders and elected disabled representatives. The authors suggest that disabled people can and should be considered as a social group in relation to political representation. Not doing so, they argue, will in effect delay the process towards full recognition and active political citizenship.     

Social order,cultural capital and citizenship*

The question of whether education should be seen as an instrument of social order is an old topic in the social sciences. There exist several theories concerning this question. Two of these rival theories are dealt with in this paper. On the basis of each, historical data have been looked at anew and empirical research has been carried out into the prevailing conditions in the Netherlands. On the basis of the first theory, which was inspired by Bourdieu and which concerns economic, cultural (including educational) and social capital, data on the Dutch history between the seventeenth and the nineteenth centuries have been reanalysed with respect to the attitude of the diverse sections of the dominant class towards culture in general and the university in particular. Dutch history can be regarded as a national variant of the universal tensions between ‘culture’and ‘knowledge’and between ‘culture’and ‘economics’in human societies. On the basis of Bourdieu's theory it is assumed that under the prevailing social conditions elementary schools will differ in ‘educational status’in the schools market. Empirical investigation confirms this hypothesis. The ‘educational status’of elementary schools mediates (reproduces) almost all of the influence of the childrens’social background on their school career, and reinforces this influence. On the basis of the second theory, which is based on the work of Meyer, Boli and Ramirez, data on the Dutch history in the Enlightenment period have been reanalysed with respect to the rise of mass education. These historical data give substantial evidence to the theory that the construction of the nation-state is of decisive importance for the rise of mass education. Our empirical investigation, however, does not confirm the hypothesis that in the actual situation elementary schools differ in ‘comprehensiveness’. Neither schools nor parents are oriented towards integration. Rather, the contrasts seem to be getting sharper in the 1980s and the schools as well as the social classes seem to be distancing themselves further from each other. Various sections of the dominant class are busy strengthening their position of power in education. In short, the use of schools to constitute citizens does not lessen the pressure towards differentiation. Thus, the theory of Boli and Ramirez explains the rise of mass education, but cannot explain its social class bound form, a fact that can be explained very well by Bourdieu's theory. Therefore the theories of both Bourdieu and Boli and Ramirez should be regarded not as rivalizing, but as complementary.     

State work and the testing concours of citizenship

Anyone trying to be a citizen has to pass through a set of practices trying to be a state. This paper investigates some of the ways testing practices calibrate citizens, and in doing so, perform “the state.” The paper focuses on three forms of citizenship testing, which it considers exemplary forms of “state work,” and which all, in various ways, concern “migration.” First, the constitution of a “border crossing,” which requires an identity test configured by deceptibility. Second, the Dutch asylum process, in which “being gay” can, in certain cases, be reason for being granted asylum, but where “being gay” is also the outcome of an examination organized by suspicion. And third, the Dutch measurement of immigrants’ “integration,” which is comprised of a testing process in which such factishes as “being a member of society” and “being modern” surface. Citizenship is analyzed in this paper as accrued and (re)configured along a migration trajectory that takes shape as a testing concours, meaning that subjects become citizens along a trajectory of testing practices. In contributing both to work on states and citizenship, and to work on testing, this paper thus puts forward the concept of citizenship testing as state work, where “state work is the term for that kind of labor that most knows itself as comparison, equivalency, and exchange in the social realm” (Harney, 2002, pp. 10–11). Throughout the testing practices discussed here, comparison, equivalency, and exchange figure prominently as the practical achievements of crafting states and citizens.     

The Country Code and the ordering of countryside citizenship

The paper reviews the assembly of the Country Code and its wider project circulated to reify a particular construction of countryside citizenship. The Code can be read as an attempt to pursue a particular moral project and an effort to influence behaviour through the design of a particular regime of conduct. Numerous alterations, most recently in 2004, have not fundamentally changed the aims of the Code as first introduced in 1951; as such the new Code marks not a withdrawal from the attempted imposition of a uniform countryside citizenship but rather an extension and refinement of this project and a continuing influence on the production and consumption of rural space. It is argued that the revisions and wider changes in associated materials and mediation of the Code are indicative of the way that countryside politics is changing to reflect both a post-productivist and post-feudal countryside: a shift that is being performed on the part of government through a more managerialist and interventionist style of governance.