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1.
The purpose of this paper is to explain the attitude toward the euro on the basis of different aspects of national identity. It is demonstrated that national identity and national pride both entail multi-dimensional constructs. Where national identity is concerned, in most countries a dimension of pure categorization (patriotism) can be distinguished from a dimension of discrimination (nationalism). The third dimension encountered is that of “European patriotism”. National pride can express itself, first, in terms of cultural–historical pride and, second, in terms of economic–political pride. Where the attitude toward the euro is concerned, the stance of European patriotism and the nationalistic stance have particular explanatory force. The former fosters a positive attitude toward the euro, while the latter has a negative impact on the attitude toward the euro. National patriotism, on the other hand, bears no relation to the attitude toward the European Monetary Union.PsycINFO classification code: 2960; 3020  相似文献   

2.
Research on young people's political socialization has had an adult-centered top–down bias in which young people are considered incomplete and in need of the right upbringing. The article attempts to balance this bias. The aim is to introduce and argue for another normative approach – situational political socialization. Four theoretical elements constitute its basis: (1) the political, (2) contingency (the principle of the public sphere), (3) space and place, and (4) situation. In the contingent western digital media society marked by cultural dissemination, individualism, and the erosion of traditional institutions, situational political socialization represents a normative basis for a research approach which is open, action-oriented and contextualized, viewing young people as political actors in their own right.  相似文献   

3.
Based upon the data from qualitative studies of eight national minorities between the Baltic and the Danube, this article investigates the formation of European identification among members of the minority groups representing ‘split nations’ along the new eastern borders of the enlarged EU. The analysis reveals mechanisms of the formation of supranational identification by focusing on the relationships between subnational, national and European identifications to ascertain the degree of interconnectedness of these identification levels. These relationships are examined in the context of the potential impact of perceived ethnic conflict and utilitarian expectations of socio-economic and cultural gains from the process of European integration.  相似文献   

4.
Research into European identity has mostly focused on majority populations in Western European countries, neglecting new member states in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) as well as ethnic minority groups. This paper contributes to filling this gap by exploring and investigating processes of European identity formation of five ethnic minority groups in four CEE countries. A generational perspective was applied by conducting qualitative in-depth interviews with three generations of ethnic minority group members. The results support the instrumental approach of identity construction. In all minority groups researched, the young generation, due to more positive personal experiences and perceived benefits from the European Union, have developed more positive images and perceptions of Europe and a greater sense of European identity than older generations. Furthermore, ethnic group-specific processes of identity formation were found.  相似文献   

5.
Russian regions display remarkably different patterns of economic and political development. These differences come into sharp focus when comparing two nearly identical northwestern regions, Novgorod and Pskov. Novgorod's success and Pskov's failure are attributed to the local elite's creative use of key cultural symbols and myths to support regional development. Contrasting two popular approaches to culture and development—“cultural adjustment” and “cultural congruence”—the author argues that the cultural congruence model, adopted by Novgorod, dramatically improves the chances for rapid social and economic transformation.  相似文献   

6.
One long-standing project within lesbian studies has been to develop a satisfactory working definition of "lesbian." This article proposes two new models of a definition using principles of social psychology. Each model (a) utilizes the premise that gender lacks a categorical essence and (b) separates behavioral adherence to cultural stereotypes of femininity and masculinity from one's gender self-categorization. From these premises, I generate and critique two internally coherent models of lesbian identity that are inclusive (to different degrees) of various gender identities. For each model, the potential inclusion of trans men, trans women, genderqueers, and lesbian-identified cisgender men is evaluated. The explanatory power of these models is twofold. One, the models can serve as theoretical perspectives for scholars who study the intersection of gender and sexual identity. Two, the models can also characterize the everyday experience of people who have tacit working definitions of lesbian identity.  相似文献   

7.
The formation of Taiwanese identity is a good example to make sense of the theoretical debate between primordialism and constructivism. Based on the two-level multinomial logit results, this paper proves that primordial ethnicity in Taiwan becomes less salient; rather, changing sociopolitical contexts turn out to be the dominant factor in shaping ethnic identity. Specifically, it indicates how the democratic transition has brought about various types of mechanisms, which smoothly disenchant the dominant Chinese identity. As the Taiwanese renaissance emerges to take a leading role in Taiwan's political platform, ethnic identity might be reshaped in accordance with this mainstream Taiwanese ideology. This study also shows that reformation of ethnic identity in Taiwan relies as much on cognition of state boundaries as on the evaluation of political-economic conditions on both sides of the Taiwan straits.  相似文献   

8.
Many analysts of civil society argue that the path from activity in voluntary associations to political participation is largely mediated—membership leads to unintentional political socialization through discussion and/or cognitive engagement, which then leads to participation. Others, however, have noted that groups are often effective in the direct mobilization of their members. This article tests these competing claims, while also considering the extent to which the mediation process relies on negative social capital (targeted requests for activity). Employing a series of structural equation models, I find strong support for the mediation argument, as well as for the perspective that negative social capital is a significant mediator in the pathway from social joiner to political activist.  相似文献   

9.
ABSTRACT

This paper seeks to make the case that social work students would benefit from thinking beyond the binary of statutory sector vs voluntary sector when thinking about their future career. It argues instead that they should think in terms of their own philosophical worldview, their own preferences in terms of the mechanics of day-to-day practice, and the reasons for those preferences. Drawing on reflection literature, Johns’ Model of Reflection (2017) and an element of Motivational Interviewing, and informed by a value pluralist perspective, the paper sets out a reflective process for social work students to use. The process supports students firstly to explore their own core values and worldview, then to consider their feelings about more practical aspects of the social work role, and finally to find the connections and possible dissonances between the two. It is hoped that the article and the reflective process here advanced can contribute to students being able to plan for their professional futures in a way that does not depend principally on having to choose between statutory or voluntary sector practice, but on a much wider array of factors and values.  相似文献   

10.
This study examines government response to two terror-related incidents in Nigeria, an abduction of 276 schoolgirls in April 2014 and a similar abduction of 110 schoolgirls in February 2018 by terror group Boko Haram. Data consisted of government communications around both incidents, including social media messaging and press statements, supplemented by qualitative interviews with journalists who reported on the abductions. Findings suggest that silence, distancing, acceptance of responsibility, and rebuilding were used to varying degrees in the two incidents. We conclude that the government response to the Chibok incident was delayed, underestimated reputational threat, and attempted to distance itself from the incident, resulting in the emergence of competing frames. The response to the Dapchi abduction was more timely and showcased acceptance of responsibility by the political administration. Implications for terror-related crisis communication in developing countries are discussed.  相似文献   

11.
The premise of this article is that unbalanced versions of inclusion politics are usually at work in European contexts. Some inclusion patterns may be more relevant for certain aspects or levels of the education system or various models may be applied to specific ethnic groups. A necessary balancing approach is discussed in this article, drawing on examples from Italy and Romania. In this article, I will engage with the profile of the inclusion politics of education in two European contexts, at different levels and regarding various arenas: nationally relevant policy documents issued by the Ministries of Education in both countries, consolidated configurations of school practices and specific provisions, the profile of the inclusion message as presented in some school textbooks and teachers’ guides. I will argue that at national policy level, both countries are difference recognition oriented, although for different rationales and following different patterns. At a lower level, a plurality of unbalanced and differently focused versions of inclusion politics inside national contexts, frequently as one-dimensional provisions, may be noticed. Yet, a more ‘balanced’ policy may still not be sufficient in itself. It may be, in fact, a matter of specific solutions as correcting the status quo in particular contexts and of multidimensional as substantial multicultural education to be taken on seriously in practice.  相似文献   

12.
As a sequel to China Can Say No, China Is Not Happy is the bestseller of 2009 in China. The book praises China's post-80s generation for their act of patriotism, condemns the West, in general, and the United States, in particular, for exploiting the Chinese and for causing a global economic crisis. It also criticizes the Chinese liberal elite and overseas returnees for being Western-influenced mental slaves and traitors. The authors of the book call for an abandonment of “literary tone”, advocate a tough stand against Western countries, and envision China as the leader of the world through its economic and military power. This paper examines the major themes and belligerent rhetoric employed in the book through an application of Kenneth Burke's rhetorical concepts of identification, terministic screens, and representative anecdotes. The author of this paper contends that such use of rhetoric demonstrates the language habit of China's political discourse in its modern history, escalates blind nationalism, and widens the gap in intercultural understanding between China and the US.  相似文献   

13.
This article analyzes how digital technology can shape cultural practice in Chinese online communities. By using the concepts of boundary and identity, it explores the formation of two online punk communities in China, created by those who are interested in punk music originating from Anglo-American countries. Drawing on data from participant observation and 10 in-depth interviews, this article first reviews literature on Internet culture in China, online communities, boundaries, and identity. It then focuses on the differing practices of the two online punk communities. A discussion is subsequently provided concerning how boundaries are constructed in online communities through the exclusion that is enabled by the technological platform. An analysis of how the members identify themselves with online communities and form punk subcultures encouraged by the boundaries of their respective communities is then presented towards the end of the article. It is through this process that the members empower themselves in their relationships with the surrounding society.  相似文献   

14.
Changes in criminal activity following substance abuse treatment were examined among 941 individuals. The estimated cost to society of crimes committed in the 6 months prior to intake was used to classify participants into three groups: no-, low-, and high-cost. Logistic regression was used to predict criminal activity at 6 and 24 months following intake as a function of (a) intake status, (b) treatment, and (c) outcome status and changes. The three groups varied significantly at intake and what predicted subsequent criminal activity. Treatment effects on criminal activity were mediated by the extent to which treatment reduced substance use. Outcomes were also predicted by other factors (e.g. housing, employment, medical problems, psychological distress, and social support). The results support the need for multidimensional assessments for predicting the risk of illegal activity, the need for reassessments following treatment, and the value of addressing other problems in reducing subsequent criminal activity.  相似文献   

15.
Western European cities are increasingly confronted with Roma immigrants. Societal changes associated with this phenomenon create new challenges for schools. Using a case study, this article sheds light on present practices that shape the right to education for Roma children. Three principal success factors are distinguished: boundary-blurring practices, a lifeworld-oriented approach and commitment. Finally, the relation between promising practices and a rights-based approach to educational justice is discussed.  相似文献   

16.
Post‐colonial sub‐Saharan Africa continually experiences a collapse of consensual democracy as an ideology and system of governance. Poverty, greed and corruption have bred political instability, conflicts and dependence on exporting primary products. For post‐colonial Africa to feel truly independent, its adoption of consensual democracy needs to be sincere. Ideological theories, the epistemological origins of development programmes, and the philosophy of choice cherished in consensual democracy have been overlooked in current African political cultures, which habitually disregard grassroots voices. Using the Department for International Development's Research Strategy (2008–2013), the article explores how ideological functions transcend the political cultures, underdevelopment and insecurities of sub‐Saharan Africa. It is hoped that the possibility of sustainable development may be enhanced by the inclusion of an African school of thought.  相似文献   

17.
The purpose of this study was to report on the development and construction of the Individual and Community Empowerment (ICE) inventory, a measure seeking to capture the specific pathways by which either risk-enhancing impacts or empowering impacts of rap music manifest. Data were analyzed via structural equation modeling from a convenience sample of 128 high school and college students. Results found that respondents elicited (1) empowering themes that related to them individually and to the broader community and (2) high-risk themes that may promote risky health behaviors. Implications about research and practice relevance of the ICE inventory are discussed.  相似文献   

18.
In this article, I describe the process by which I internalized disability as a construct of my identity, as a result of my son being diagnosed with cerebral palsy. This process was focused on the skillsets I needed to develop to navigate structures associated with disability on behalf of my son. In doing so, an identity focused on negotiating/maintaining the borders between my own perspective as an able-bodied individual and the needs of my disabled son emerged.  相似文献   

19.
Over the past 40 years, considerable progress has been made in our understanding of the aetiology and processes of child abuse. This understanding has been based within two scientific paradigms: the psychodynamic and sociological models. More recently, both strands have been incorporated in a more comprehensive ‘ecological’ paradigm. This presents child abuse as occurring within the context of the child's environment at different, nested levels. The ecological paradigm is currently the most comprehensive model we have for understanding child abuse, providing a systematic framework in which to conduct both research and child protection practice. This paper begins by describing the nature and use of scientific models in both research and practice. Three levels of models are outlined: working models, paradigms and worldviews. The paper then goes on to consider how models are used in our understanding of child abuse, focusing on three major paradigms (sociological, psychodynamic, ecological). The ecological model or paradigm is then described in detail, expounding the four different levels within it. The uses and limitations of the ecological model are discussed in relation to both research and practice. Finally, some practical suggestions are provided for the reader to creatively apply this understanding at a personal and professional level. Copyright © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

20.
Societies are increasingly characterized by polarization and fragmentation on a variety of socio-political issues. With the heightened social visibility of corporations, as a result of processes of mediatization, firms are pressured to engage with such social issues that are part of broader political discourses. Against the backdrop of these broad socio-political shifts, this study conceptually addresses the contribution of public relations to understanding the politicization of corporations and their environment. We argue that corporations have become inherently intertwined with their mediatized and polarized socio-political surroundings. As a result, corporations are increasingly pressured to speak out and take a stance on social issues to engage with their environment and renew their social license to operate (SLO) in a context characterized by political divides. By relying on concepts like issue arenas and corporate political advocacy, we argue that corporations can use public relations to publicly promote one ideal over another, by being guided by the corporation’s own intrinsic values and moral standpoints rather than efforts to balance competing interests of multiple stakeholders.  相似文献   

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