Durkheim's Concept of Anomie: Some Observations*

Most interpretations of anornie emphasize the normative aspect. However, Durkheim viewed anomie as involving more than a lack of norms or a conflict of norms. Discussions in The Division of Labor in Society and Suicide show that according to Durkheim the primary threats to social solidarity in modern societies are weak or ineffective structural constraints on individualistic needs and desires. In modern industrialized societies the primary mode of social control is not a set of rules or norms, although they do have a cohesive function, but the development of solidary, interdependent social relationships among diverse individuals. Crucial in the development of solidary social relationships is the rate and nature of social change. For modern or modernizing societies the most important form of social change is industrialization. If industrialization is too rapid then the likelihood of social inequality, economic crises, and family disruption is greater. New and solidary forms of social relationships are not allowed to develop properly. This results in weak constraints on individualistic needs and desires that have been “excited” by the industrialization.     

Anomie and Strain: Context and Consequences of Merton's Two Theories

Robert Merton presented two, not always clearly differentiated theories in his seminal explorations on the social-structure-and-anomie paradigm: a strain theory and an anomie theory. A one-sided focus on Merton's strain theory in the secondary literature has unnecessarily restricted the power and effectiveness of Merton's anomie theory. For although structural strain is one way to explain why deviance occurs in the context of anomie, it is not the only way. We contend that scholars who are critical of strain theory should not automatically discard Merton's anomie theory, because the perspective of anomie is compatible with several other theories of crime and delinquency. Offering examples of previous integration efforts, we maintain that Merton's theoretical model can benefit from the input of other theories of crime and deviance as much as these other theoretical perspectives can fine-tune their models and explanations.     

Durkheim's Evolutionary Conception of Social Change

Using criteria derived from several recent inquiries into the nature of classical social evolutionism of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this study has endeavored to determine what Durkheim's comprehensive views on evolutionary change were. Durkheim appears to have remained prevailingly and persistently a social evolutionist throughout his sociological career. He accepts the usual view of classical social evolutionism regarding the macro- or large- scale character of the social units undergoing change (i.e., total societies or entire institutions), the organism and its change as exhibited in growth as an appropriate analogy, and the comparative method as the recommended investigative procedure (albeit with a somewhat unique technique to insure the similarity of the social contexts of the items studied). His conclusion at the end of his career that change is naturally both slow and rapid in its rate, relatively limited or unlimited in its initial scope, and small and large in scale is apparently without parallel. His multiplanal, multilinear, and arborescent notion of the directionality of change has seemingly only one parallel (in Spencer). Finally, he agrees with social evolutionists generally that the causes of social change are prevailingly internal, necessary, and uniform in nature.     

Compassion Fatigue and Countertransference: Two Different Concepts

There has been considerable conceptual confusion about the differences between compassion fatigue and countertransference. This often results in them being treated as the same phenomena, both in the literature and clinically. This paper maintains that these are, in fact, two different concepts that derive from different sources and serve different functions. Each of these two concepts requires different kinds of interventions as well.     

The canonical limits of Durkheim's first classic

A classic text is not always canonized. Canonical texts are frequently anything but classics. Durkheim's Division of Labor in Societyis an instance of the former; his Rules of Sociological Methodof the latter. Both books are based on errors of fact and method. Division of Laborwas so intentionally the classical theory of modern divided societies that Durkheim, son of generations of rabbis, totally misrepresented the facts of Ancient Israel. In Rules,Durkheim was so intent on writing the canonical text of sociology's methods that he stipulated rules that even he (in Suicide) could not use. Durkheim was thus a giant of the sociological past because,not in spite of, his errors. He erred because he dared to think seriously about the moral issues of his time. Hence, the ironic fate of Durkheim's sociology—it led in two different directions. From Rulesand Suicidecame modern empirical sociology. From Elementary Formscame all the antimodernists—beginning with Levi-Strauss, and from him, Derrida and the others—who became, among other things, the most articulate critics of the sociology Durkheim helped invent. Such is the genius of classic, if not canonical, authors like Durkheim.     

Durkheim's Pragmatism Lectures: A Contextual Interpretation

This article attempts to understand Émile Durkheim's 1913–14 lectures on pragmatism and sociology by situating them in the socio-intellectual context of the time. An analysis of books and journal articles from the period reveals that the ideas of the Anglo-American pragmatic philosophers Charles Peirce, William James, John Dewey, and F.C.S. Schiller were very popular in pre-World War I France. The French term le pragmatisme , however, was used to refer not only to the thought of these philosophers, but also to the work of French thinkers, such as Henri Bergson and the Catholic Modernists Maurice Blondel and Édouard Le Roy, who wrote extensively about human action. Pragmatism, because of its associations with Bergsonian spiritualism and the theology of the Modernists, came to have religious connotations for many French intellectuals. Durkheim had a similar understanding of pragmatism and his critique of the pragmatists cannot be fully grasped unless these religious connotations are considered. The article concludes by discussing several implications of this interpretation for sociological theory.     

The Question of Hegelian Influence upon Durkheim's Sociology

Durkheim is commonly viewed as the founder of sociology as an empirical or even a positivist, empiricist discipline. The connection between empirical sociological theory and Marxist, Weberian, symbolic interactionist, phenomenological, hermeneutic, and other tendencies is illuminated by viewing the parallels between Durkheim and Hegel. These parallels should not obscure important contrasts, but they include a large number of the most distinctive doctrines of the two theorists. The comparison illuminates relationships within sociology as well as relationships between sociology and such other disciplines as philosophy, history, literary criticism, jurisprudence, theology, or ethics. The importance within Durkheim's milieu of figures who were deeply influenced by Hegel shows that Hegel's influence on Durkheim should not be obscured by current views of Durkheim as a positivist in the tradition of Comte.     

Success and Anomie: A Study of the Effect of Goals on Anomie*

Most studies of subjective anomie assume that all individuals have the same goals, and they explain anomie in terms of differences in the means to achieve goals. This paper examines the effect of variations in the goal of success on anomie. Data are from a Harris survey of 3,001 adults in the continental United States. A multiple regression of anomie on success orientation, plus six social status variables, revealed that success orientation has a significant positive effect on anomie and that, next to education, it is the best predictor of anomie. This finding helps explain both intra-class variations in anomie and the increase in anomie from the 1950s to 1971 found by Fischer(1974). The social status variables did not explain much of the variation in success orientation, and the effect of success orientation on anomie was not mediated by education and income. The relevance of these findings to Durkheim's theory of anomie is discussed.     

Durkheim's contribution to the sociological analysis of history

Emile Durkheim has long been viewed as one of the founders of the so-called variables-oriented approach to sociological investigation. This view ignores his considerable achievements using the methodology of “case-based” historical analysis, most prominent among them, his lectures on the history of French education (The Evolution of Educational Thought).In this paper I first outline the intimate relationship that Durkheim envisioned between historical and sociological investigation. I then turn to his work on French education for substantive illustrations of his approach. Finally, I explore certain points of intersection between Durkheim's approach to history and present-day concerns, especially in regard to the role of culture in history and the opposition between prospective and retrospective (“teleological”) strategies of historical analysis.     

Durkheim's Dilemma: Toward a Sociology of Emergence

The concept of emergence is a central thread uniting Durkheim's theoretical and empirical work, yet this aspect of Durkheim's work has been neglected. I reinterpret Durkheim in light of theories of emergence developed by contemporary philosophers of mind, and I show that Durkheim's writings prefigure many elements of these contemporary theories. Reading Durkheim as an emergentist helps to clarify several difficult and confusing aspects of his work, and reveals a range of unresolved issues. I identify five such issues, and I show how Durkheim's writings on emergence suggest potential responses.     

A Comparative Analysis of Durkheim's Theory of Egoistic Suicide*

This paper reports a comparative cross-national test of Durkheim's theory of egoistic suicide, involving indicators of religious, family, and political integration. Linear and nonlinear multiple regression analysis showed that the relationships between religious integration and suicide and between political integration and suicide are inverse exponential functions of the form Y = ae^bX, while the relationship between family integration and suicide is linear. The relationships between the independent and dependent variables are strong and highly significant. Together, our indicators of religious, family, and political integration explain about 76 percent of the variation in international rates of suicide.     

Durkheim's Non-Social Facts about Primitives and Women*

Emile Durkheim's explanatory model of primitives and women is the theme of this investigation. A detailed examination of Durkheim's major work reveals an initial preoccupation with organic-psychic factors when analyzing primitive social life and the role of women in society. Only after extensive study of primitive religion and its crucial implications in the evolution of knowledge, do organic and psychic factors drop out of Durkheim's social facts approach.     

Continuity and Change in Durkheim's Theory of Social Solidarity*

This paper examines the controversial question of whether the theory of social solidarity contained in The Division of Labor in Society remained crucial to Durkheim's thinking after the book's publication in 1893. It is argued that this theory is rooted in a number of assumptions concerning primitive social life, the boundaries between nature and culture, and human nature. An analysis of material written after 1902 shows that Durkheim revised his approach to these topics to such an extent that he appears to be in the process of constructing a new theoretical framework for the investigation of social solidarity. In both the early and the later theories, however, the models of primitive social behavior, though different, perform similar intellectual functions.     

A Formal Restatement of Durkheim's "Division of Labor" Theory

Despite frequent references in the sociological literature to Durkheim's theory about the division of labor, sociologists have made few attempts to test it. The paucity of attempts and the very debatable outcomes thereof are due largely to Durkheim's use of the traditional discursive mode of theory construction. A discursively stated theory's logical structure is likely to be obscure, and for that reason alone tests of it are difficult and controversial. Rather than perpetuate the exegetical tradition in sociological treatments of the subject, this paper restates Durkheim's theory in accordance with a particular formal mode. That restatement identifies the theory's shortcomings and problems. But the eight premises imply only one testable theorem, and the theorem's predictive accuracy appears minimal unless "population concentration" is substituted for "density" in the first axiom. Nonetheless, the restatement clearly shows how extension of the theory (additional postulates) could further its testability.     

Female Delinquency: Goal Obstruction and Anomie

S'inspirant de Cohen et de Merton, les auteurs enoncent l'hypothese que la delin-quence feminine pourrait etre la consequence de l'ensemble des difficultes que percoivent les jeunes filles dans la poursuite et la realisation de leur desir de se marier. Un groupe experimental d'adolescentes delinquentes et un groupe-con-trole de filles frequentant deux ecoles superieures furent utilisees. Elles durent remplir un questionnaire comportant un index de difficultes et trois echelles distinctes de delinquence, d'angoisse et d'anomie. Les resultats demontrent le fait suivant: bien que les delinquentes pergoivent moins d'obstacles que les autres par rapport a un mariage eventuel, elles manifestent tout de meme plus d'angoisse et plus d'anomie. On essaie d'expliquer ce resultat inattendu.
Inspired by Cohen and Merton the authors hypothesize that female delinquency may be the result of difficulties perceived by girls in the fulfillment of their marital goal. A test group of delinquent girls and a control group of high school girls were administered a questionnaire with an obstacle index, and three separate scales on delinquency, anxiety, and anomie. The findings revealed that although delinquent girls perceived fewer obstacles to their marital goal, they showed higher delinquency, greater anxiety, and higher anomie. The possible explanations are discussed.