Twelve Years After: The Berlin Wall as Will and Idea

The Berlin Wall at different times in its ignominious history has been demonized by Western opinion less because of its real paltry role in the Cold War tension in Europe than because of the fears and frustrations it generated within Europe. This is the central theme and claim of this paper. We attempt to show through an excursion of personal and institutional events how the perceptions of Soviet communist realities were refracted through the icon of the Wall as a Cold War symbol.     

The Joy of Teaching Current Events

Set during the immediate years after the creation of the Berlin Wall, this case study focuses on the East German Ministry for State Security (MfS) and its secret police force known as the Stasi. Students, acting as West German spies working in East Berlin, recover secret documents used by the East German government in its efforts to maintain power, control, and stability over both its citizens and Western Europe. This activity uses higher-level Bloom's taxonomy as students evaluate, compare, and contrast documents for importance and relevance. Each document represents measures commonly used by Eastern Bloc nations throughout the Cold War, providing students with creative insight on how domestic and foreign espionage played a vital role in the struggle between Soviet communism and American democracy. This lesson is an example of how to use the case study approach.     

Radio Free Europe and the Catholic Church in Poland During the 1950s and 1960s.

A review of the literature on Radio Free Europe’s role throughout the Cold War reveals its underdeveloped historiography. Yet, how valuable are RFE’s reports and broadcasts as a tool for historical exploration? Drawing on a wealth of materials from Polish programming, this analysis uses the case study of the role of the Catholic Church in Poland throughout the 1950s and the 1960s, to appraise not only the content of RFE reports but also the extent to which they can be used as a historical tool. The reports reveal, for example, that the Church became politically active already in the mid 1960s during its struggle with the Communist regime over the Millennium anniversary celebrations and the issue of Poland’s Western territories. This analytical framework allows for an examination of RFE’s comments in terms of what they might tell us about what really happened, and in terms of what they actually tell us about the station’s perceptions of what happened. The station’s position as an observer, critic and participant in the turmoil of the Cold War, gave it a distinct ability to access both the realities behind the Iron Curtain and the Western perceptions of what was happening in the satellite countries.     

Visualities of strategic vision: Lookout Mountain Laboratory and the deterrent state from nuclear tests to Vietnam

This article considers two visual cultures of America’s deterrent state in the Cold War, the cinematic and cybernetic, by following the history of the 600th Photographic Squadron of the United States (US) Air Force in Vietnam and its 1950s progenitor, the 1352nd Motion Picture Squadron, or Lookout Mountain Laboratory. We argue that cinematic and cybernetic visual cultures were at the heart of a Cold War visual alliance that was also a Cold War visual contest, and cameras were situated at the centre of the contest. Specifically, the cinematic and the cybernetic represent two distinct visualities of vision, as the Cold War cameras of the Air Force assumed either transcendental or transcendent positions. The former, in keeping with a cinematic visuality, was oriented towards casting America as a sight to see in the context of its war on communism, with cameras operating as a condition of possibility for the construction of the ‘image’, whereas the latter, in keeping with a cybernetic visuality, was oriented towards the American appetite to see, to monitor and survey the world over, with cameras operating as processors of ‘information’. The history of the 600th Photographic Squadron and its progenitor, Lookout Mountain Laboratory, suggests that the transition from cinematic to cybernetic visualities of vision was part of a broader transformation in the US Cold War state from a nuclear deterrent state to a supra-nuclear deterrent state.     

Political,institutional, and bureaucratic fuel for the arms race

Revolutionary changes in Eastern Europe are fundamentally intertwined with the thawing of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union. Paradoxically, the arms race between the superpowers continues. This paper examines the paradox by first considering the conventional explanations for improved relations and demonstrating their inadequacies, then turning to the structural factors that appear to help explain the changed relations, and finally examining some of the social forces that cause the arms race to continue despite the thawing of the Cold War. Structural factors cited here as having contributed to the improved relations include: changes in the global economy, the development of a civil society in the Eastern bloc, domestic and international peace initiatives, and cultural changes. Despite these changes, the arms race continues due to the stability of strategic policy and the way it is made, military-industrial institutional operations, political and economic interests, and government operations. In each of these areas, much sociological research is needed to help guide the policy-making process away from continuing the arms race.     

国际权力基础与伊拉克战争

本文考察国际权力在不同历史时期的基础及其变化,并提出,各国围绕国际权力竞争的背后是各国围绕国际权力基础的竞争,国际权力基础随着时代不断发生变迁。作为国际政治的一个重要变量,国际权力基础反映出国际政治单位之间所享有的国际权力差异。自威斯特伐利亚条约以来,国际社会见证了数次国际权力基础变化。在第二次世界大战以前,国际权力的基础是常规武器水平;冷战期间核武器成为了新的基础;冷战结束后,各国之间的竞争围绕着综合国力展开;伊拉克战争爆发以后,国际权力基础又变迁为国家独立行动能力。     

‘Europeanness’ ‐ a new cultural battlefield?

The nation‐state is par excellence a product of ‘modernity’ in Europe. Its supercession has been trumpeted of late, hard on the heels of the fashion for post‐modernity. However, the self‐service conceptions of political identity that pertained until the end of the Cold War now need to be discarded as ethnicity and nationhood evidently become the predominant obsessions of the 1990s. Consequently, ‘Europeanness’ has become a cultural battlefield for sharply divergent views.     

均势外交与美国中东政策的困境

美国的均势外交思想和实践与其地缘特征密切相关。远离欧亚大陆的地缘孤立以及在多条战线上维持支配地位的需要阻碍了美国有效参与欧亚大陆的权力争夺，均势外交成为美国谋求霸权的“法宝”。冷战结束后，美国的霸权基础更为脆弱；海湾战争以来的美国中东政策偏离了均势外交的要求，转而寻求武力支配中东地区；伊拉克战争更使美国的战略重心向中东地区倾斜，暴露了美国全球战略的缺陷。美国中东政策的困境在于布什政府对美传统均势外交的背离。不管2008年美国大选结果如何，未来美国中东政策将围绕重启中东均势外交作进一步调整。     

Mental Maps of Eastern Europe: States,Mentalities, Modernisation

Eastern Europe has been the object of orientalising discourses portraying it as a region defined by problematic statehood, underdevelopment, and nationalist-religious warmongering. These discourses have produced 19^th-century mental maps of Europe contrasting a perceived ‘core’ European area ending with the Frankish Empire's eastern border and coinciding with later Enlightenment influence and an indistinct ‘Orient’ or ‘East’, bypassed by “modernising” processes. This contribution focuses on (post-)Cold War discourses in social science and shows how these discourses re-produce 19^th-century layers of orientalising map-making and keep East-West differences alive by tracing deficient, fragile or repressive state institutions back to alleged Eastern European ‘mentalities’.     

Reconsidering sociological theory and method after 1989

1989 was a cataclysmic year in the political history of the world and the problems facing sociology, especially political sociology, have changed radically. Unfortunately the dominant paradigms of sociology in Western Europe were not developed to deal with these problems, but rather with Western European problems during the Cold War. It has, therefore, become necessary to look at these paradigms and to ask whether, in terms of their conception of sociology, its substantive problems and methods, they are at all capable of dealing with the post‐communist world. I suggest that it is now necessary to go back to some of the concerns of classical comparative and historical sociology, particularly as they are reflected in the work of Max Weber, in order to map and to understand the political structures of the contemporary world.     

The International Refugee Regime(s): The End of the Cold War Matters

The purpose of this note is to present a schematic narrative and analysis of the development of the international response to refugees by states during the Cold War. The analysis focuses on the period from the statute creating the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the Convention on the Status of Refugees, both in 1951, through the end of the Cold War. The note supplements the analysis contained in an earlier theoretical article published in this journal in 1996 entitled “How Nation‐States Create and Respond to Refugee Flows” (Keely, 1996). The views differ sharply from conventional wisdom but provide a better understanding of and an explanation for some contemporary difficulties regarding refugee and asylum policy, especially in the industrial countries, but also more generally globally.     

中东权力格局转换对阿以和平进程的影响

冷战结束后,以色列维持了在中东政治和阿以和平进程中的强势地位,这种地位是冷战后美国在中东独霸地位的单极格局所决定的。全球金融危机的蔓延与伊拉克和阿富汗问题久拖不决消耗了美国霸权赖以生存的硬实力与软实力,奥巴马政府不得不调整政策,转而在阿以之间寻求更加平衡的中东政策,以色列自"9·11"以来的战略优势期恐将终结。随着中东格局由美国单极独霸格局向美、欧、俄、中、印以及伊朗、以色列、沙特、埃及、土耳其等地区大国构成的多元权力格局的演化,政治优势开始向阿拉伯—伊斯兰世界倾斜。在此背景下,以色列、巴勒斯坦和其他阿拉伯国家需转换安全观念,争取在联合国决议的基础上以更加积极的姿态参与阿以和平进程,实现中东持久和平。     

Postwar Reconfigurations of the US Empire and Global Military Occupation: Struggles against Enclosure in Okinawa

This article argues through an examination of an anti‐base struggle that erupted in early 1950 in Isahama, Okinawa that it is necessary to consider the ways that the so‐called new imperialism of the post‐World War II period required the transformation of social relations, even in places like Okinawa that are regarded as exceptional sites where US bases and facilities operate through the suspension of sovereignty. It asserts that a focus on the gendered dimensions of antagonisms that developed in Okinawa as the US built its military complexes there allows us to see how local communities, often led by women, fundamentally challenged the base‐related enclosures and pushed against the constant ideological work that the language of exception played in normalizing capitalist social relations in general. Finally, it claims that while Okinawa's case may not seem meaningful if taken in its singularity, if we keep in mind that the islands were just one locale within a global military empire that was comprised of hundreds of military complexes containing thousands of bases scattered throughout 64 countries at the height of the Cold War, the destabilizing force of struggles against enclosures as material and ideological sites through which capitalist social relations were naturalized should not be underestimated as valuable shapers of the post‐World War II American empire.     

Calm,cool, and collected: Canadian multiculturalism (domestic globalism) through a Cold War lens

The Canadian government adopted a multicultural policy in 1971, complicating the binary of ‘two founding peoples’ by acknowledging the diversity of its settler populations. This redefinition took place against the backdrop of the Cold War in which Canada was a strategically located junior partner in the Western alliance. This article draws parallels between photographic representations of Canadian diversity and the photographic culture of the Cold War as complementary programmes of nation-building and national defence. The study focuses mainly on the activities of the Still Photography Division of the National Film Board of Canada in its coincident evolution from a government information agency to a proto-museum with a mandate to collect and circulate Canadian contemporary photography. A curious mixture of communitarian ideals, countercultural impulses, and institutional ambitions is displayed across a number of documentary projects. The power of photography as a silent language is put into question by a modest compilation of words and images that situates both global and local uncertainties in a Winnipeg grocery store.     

The Need for Military Intervention in Humanitarian Emergencies

I have been a keen student of international intervention since long before my command of the United Nations forces in Cambodia. My military career has spanned much of the Cold War years and has taken me to places like Malaysia during the period of confrontation over its formation, Vietnam, Europe at the height of the strategy of Mutually Assured Destruction, and most of Southeast Asia. I was an instructor at the British Army Staff College at the time of the establishment of UNIFIL – the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon – a serious aberration in the determinedly passive international peacekeeping approach to that time. The earlier intervention in the Congo in the 1960s seemed to have warned the UN off anything forceful in disrupted states, leaving it to former colonial powers to extract themselves from their former areas of engagement with as much saving grace as they could muster. Many of them did not do this very well.     

Democracy,Minority Rights and Plural Societies: Plus ça Change?

For more than a century, it was assumed that plural societies were unconducive to democratic government and assimilation a necessity. The end of the Cold War reopened the question of self-determination and the concomitant issue of minority rights not only in Europe but also worldwide. As a result, minority rights and multiculturalism are emerging as the consensus position on democracy in plural societies. But it would be inaccurate and potentially unwise to regard this pluralist perspective as a universal remedy for the problems of diversity. Instead, the history of academic debate and public policy in this area as surveyed here is testimony to the fact that there can be no categorical imperatives when addressing problems of democratic governance in plural societies; both academics and policy-makers would do well to remember that crucial fact.     

The Family of Man in Guatemala

Placing Edward Steichen’s 1955 photographic exhibition, The Family of Man, in Guatemala reorients the show’s Cold War geography and challenges the limits of Steichen’s humanism. Steichen’s orientation was East–West, his purpose to break down what he considered to be a nihilistic binary between the United States and the Soviet Union. A North–South axis brings with it issues of hereditary, festering colonialism and comprehensive exploitation of indigenous populations, who, in the visual realm of Life magazine, were one source of the sorts of exotic images, stamped with the seal of authenticity, which made their way into The Family of Man. It is important to see how the exhibition was displaced from the stable terms of exchange with its assumed audience through its deployment as a mobile element of the United States Information Agency’s contribution to the cultural diplomacy of the United States. After reviewing the message that Steichen constructed for the exhibition, the essay will examine the uncertain, Cold War terrain that greeted it in post-revolutionary Guatemala. The essay discusses the two impresarios who made possible the appearance of The Family of Man in the Casa de Protocolo: Edward Steichen, the originator of the exhibition, and Nelson Rockefeller, the master of the bewildering context surrounding this photographic work. I conclude with some reflections on present-day humanistic projects in Guatemala.     

From communist control to glasnost and back?: Media freedom and control in the former Soviet Union

The last decade has seen dramatic changes in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union: the end of the Cold War with the West; the loosening of the Soviet Union's hold on part of Germany; movements for independence by regions in the USSR; and the public rejection of Communism by Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, as well as by key leaders within the Soviet Union. Radical changes in political philosophy have been accompanied by transformations in mass media communication.These changes are inextricably linked to how public relations is practiced in these nations, many of which are attempting, to varying degrees, to adopt a democratic system of government. This article frames the role of public relations in a self-governing society; discusses three environmental factors that affect the practice of socially responsible public relations, reviews the historical media philosophy of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union; and examines examples of media practice that have occurred during the region's transformation and their implications for media freedom and independence, and for the practice of public relations.