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1.
This article contends that workfare programmes pursued by various OECD countries since the mid‐1990s do not amount to a fundamental change in policy. The limited potential of workfare is due to the fact that it fails to transcend the constraints of earlier forms of ‘active’ responses to unemployment. Furthermore, it suffers from specific policy‐making disadvantages not shared by these responses. The article opens with a survey of relevant academic debates on the subject. It then places workfare in a broader context by identifying its functional reach, as compared to other active policy responses to unemployment such as active labour market policy (ALMP). The third section analyses workfare policies in the United Kingdom, as developed since 1997, by re‐examining the British New Deal employment programme. That review demonstrates that workfare policies either depend on their ‘fit’ with the existing policy‐making heritage, or that they remain merely symbolic. The article concludes by suggesting that the potential of workfare to effect change in responses to unemployment continues to be of limited significance. In other words, capitalist employment and welfare systems continue to be characterized by incremental adaptation rather than by fundamental regime change as suggested by the critics of workfare.  相似文献   

2.
王岽兴 《求是学刊》2005,32(2):123-128
重建以来 ,美国南部一直是美国经济与社会发展最为落后的地区 ,其统治阶级为维护自身利益和白人至上主义 ,极力抵制联邦政府的干预。罗斯福政府利用“大萧条”所造成的严峻形势 ,开始全方位介入南部事务。一系列联邦法律政策的实施和政治运作 ,从根本上动摇了南部建立在租佃谷物分成制和低工资制基础上的经济结构 ,间接地引发了南部的政治变革 ,为战后南部的崛起奠定了基础。新政由此成为南部社会变迁的重要转折点。  相似文献   

3.
《The Senses and Society》2013,8(3):271-283
ABSTRACT

Acoustically, cathedrals can be challenging spaces. The long reverberation lengths created make singing well without prior knowledge of the building an almost impossible task. It is necessary then to understand and work with the building to achieve the sounds expected during services. Taking influence from the question of whether architecture can be heard, the article explores how singers in Durham Cathedral maintain an embodied awareness of their relationship with the building. Furthermore, it argues that the music used in Durham Cathedral developed symbiotically, emerging from a material engagement between singers and the building. The article concludes that the sound of worship cannot simply be a performance in Durham Cathedral, but a performance with Durham Cathedral as the singers works through an embodied knowledge of the architecture and its unique traits.  相似文献   

4.
新时期以来的散文研究已走过了30年的历程。由于种种原因,散文研究一直受到 轻视和责难。本文从作家作品研究、专题性研究、散文史建设和散文理论建构诸方 面,对30年来散文研究进行了全面系统的梳理和评析,并追寻散文研究长期被冷落的 原因。文章认为21世纪的散文研究要走向深入和阔大,必须从三方面用力:其一是要 建立现代意识的散文批评视野;其二是“化西方”与“中国化”;其三是思维方式与 研究方法的改变。这三方面不但是认识和解决当代散文问题的重要维度,而且对散文 研究具有方法论的意义。

关键词: 新时期?散文研究?现代视野?理论建构

New Era research on the essay and other occasional writing already has a history of thirty years. For various reasons, however, such research has consistently been slighted and condemned. This article offers a systematic and comprehensive review and analysis of the last thirty years of research in this field in terms of writers and their works, research on special topics, and the construction of the history and theory of this genre, and explores the reasons why it has been slighted for so long. To deepen and broaden this research in the new century, we must exert ourselves in three areas: first, we must adopt a modern vision of criticism of the essay; second, we must “digest Western theories” and “Sinicize essay writing and research”; and third, we must change our research methods and way of thinking. These three points not only offer an important dimension for understanding and solving contemporary issues relating to the essay, but also have methodological significance for research.  相似文献   

5.
新时期以来的散文研究已走过了30年的历程。由于种种原因,散文研究一直受到轻视和责难。本文从作家作品研究、专题性研究、散文史建设和散文理论建构诸方面,对30年来散文研究进行了全面系统的梳理和评析,并追寻散文研究长期被冷落的原因。文章认为21世纪的散文研究要走向深入和阔大,必须从三方面用力:其一是要建立现代意识的散文批评视野;其二是“化西方”与“中国化”;其三是思维方式与研究方法的改变。这三方面不但是认识和解决当代散文问题的重要维度,而且对散文研究具有方法论的意义。  相似文献   

6.
中国现代话剧是伴随着五四白话文运动的兴起而诞生的,是在对传统旧戏和文明戏的强力扫荡中登场的.由于早期的创作者既对剧本的"文学性"缺乏重视,又对演出的"舞台性"关注不够,导致了问题剧的渐被冷落以及观剧者的严重流失.为改变这种状况,后起的创作者开始了对话剧语言形式的各种探索,从注重"说什么"到关注"怎么说",并注意从传统戏曲及西方现代剧中吸收养料.尽管这种探索既有成功者也有失败者,但浪漫剧和现代剧的出现,无疑丰富了早期剧坛,开拓了话剧的表现领域.  相似文献   

7.
徐长福 《求是学刊》2001,28(6):10-14
本文以刘放桐教授等编著的“现代西方哲学”教材的版次更替为例 ,简要探讨了中国新时期马克思主义哲学和现代西方哲学的关系模式及其嬗变过程。马克思主义哲学和现代西方哲学的关系模式 ,在该教材第一版流行的 80年代主要是前者批判后者的批判模式 ,经过 90年代的调整后 ,在该教材第三版发行的世纪之交已变成了对话模式 ;而对话模式的发展取向 ,就是哲学理论的创新。  相似文献   

8.
Immigration to Australia has long been the focus of negative political interest. In recent times, the proposal of exclusionary policies such as the Malaysia Deal in 2011 has fuelled further debate. In these debates, Federal politicians often describe asylum seekers and refugees as ‘illegal’, ‘queue jumpers’, and ‘boat people’. This article examines the political construction of asylum seekers and refugees during debates surrounding the Malaysia Deal in the Federal Parliament of Australia. Hansard parliamentary debates were analysed to identify the underlying themes and constructions that permeate political discourse about asylum seekers and refugees. We argue that asylum seekers arriving in Australia by boat were constructed as threatening to Australia's national identity and border security, and were labelled as ‘illegitimate’. A dichotomous characterisation of legitimacy pervades the discourse about asylum seekers, with this group constructed either as legitimate humanitarian refugees or as illegitimate ‘boat arrivals’. Parliamentarians apply the label of legitimacy based on implicit criteria concerning the mode of arrival of asylum seekers, their respect for the so‐called ‘queue’, and their ability to pay to travel to Australia. These constructions result in the misrepresentation of asylum seekers as illegitimate, undermining their right to protection under Australia's laws and international obligations.  相似文献   

9.
魏文一 《社会》2017,37(6):134-164
1905年国家与教会分离法案确定了国家的世俗性质,保障个人的良知自由。不过,法案也内含潜在的危机:良知自由与世俗国家之间的紧张。一方面,共和体制为良知自由转化为个人政治权利提供了合法途径,进而挑战国家权威。另一方面,个人与共和国之间的感情越来越疏远。涂尔干判断,危机根植于法国的政治传统,特别是“1789年原则”。不同于契约论和教权主义,涂尔干提出国家与祖国是政治社会的两个面向,个人主义和爱国主义是对应的两种伦理,符合有机团结与机械团结的特征。人格崇拜是国家和个人所共享的,国家是社会的大脑,拥有相对的独立性和权威性。祖国是现存的最大的实体,爱国主义是集体意识,人们不能为了理念上的无形的祖国,而与同胞为敌。  相似文献   

10.
The Labor Contract Law classifies collective contracts as special labor contracts, ignoring the fundamental differences between collective contracts and labor contracts. This has plunged it into jurisprudential obstacles and institutional difficulties. In terms of the main entities, efficacy, dispute settlement mechanisms, etc. collective contracts have their own institutional characteristics. They should be incorporated into the legislative framework for collective labor relations in future legislation, and should link up with trade unions, collective consultation and collective dispute settlement to form a complete system of collective labor law.  相似文献   

11.
干春松 《求是学刊》2002,29(4):110-114
文章通过对于辛亥革命之后孔教会试图通过立法手段将儒家国教化和以西方的教会形式传播儒家的努力的考察 ,试图说明儒家在失去了作为社会合法性依据的地位之后 ,在现代法律制度和西方思想的影响下 ,寻找其社会立足点的一种努力 ,对于我们认识现代种种关于儒家思想前景的争论有直接的参考价值  相似文献   

12.
魏伟 《社会》2008,28(1):77-77
在西方学术语境中,都市运动(或称都市社会运动)代表了和主流社会运动研究截然不同的学术和理论传统。都市运动成为近年中国社会学研究领域的一个热点,但没有被置于一个系统的理论框架之中。本文从批判性地考察中国学者对“都市运动”这一术语的“借用”开始,然后对西方的都市运动研究的理论脉络进行梳理,突出揭示都市运动研究和主流社会运动在理论观点和研究旨趣方面的差异。文章认为,西方都市运动研究注重学者参与和立足社区的传统,对今天中国的实证研究具有启示意义。  相似文献   

13.
In this article a general formulation of government intervention policies in the foreign exchange market is integrated in the framework of an asset market model. The policy reaction function is based on a trade off between exchange rate and reserve stock fluctuations; constant exchange rates and a pure float are derived as limiting cases of the intervention schedule. An exchange rate equation is derived from the short run portfolio equilibrium of the model and is successfully tested using data for the Belgo-Luxemburg Economic Union (1967–1979). Our policy conclusions contrast the European Snake constraints for the Belgian Franc with Artus's findings (IMF Staff Papers XXIII(2), July 1976) for the leading DM.  相似文献   

14.
朱斌  李路路 《社会》2015,35(5):218-240
本文利用“世界价值观调查”的数据比较了20世纪末中美两国性别平等观念的差异后发现,两国性别平等观念的差异并不表现为平等化程度的高低,而是观念模式的不同,中国社会的分工平等意识强于美国,但权利平等意识弱于美国。本文认为,20世纪中后期的女性主义运动以性别平等为目标,对人们的性别平等观念有重要影响。中美性别平等观念模式的差异与两国女性主义运动所提出的共识框架不同有关。在此基础上,本文进一步比较了二者在动员机制上的差异及其对性别平等观念形成的影响。结果发现,那些在美国能够影响性别平等观念形成的微观机制在中国却难以发挥作用,这是因为,中国妇女解放运动能够借助于国家社会主义体制,将性别平等观念渗透到整个社会,而美国女权运动的动员却没有这样的优势,人们因此有较多的选择空间。  相似文献   

15.
彭兆荣 《创新》2007,1(3):5-12
作为世界上最大的产业,现代旅游在世界政治经济、区域战略和社会方式等方面起到了越来越重要的作用。本文从当代世界旅游的发展情况,旅游在政治经济舞台上所所扮演的角色,旅游的可持续性发展以及在旅游东南亚国家所产生的作用和变化等方面进行阐释和分析;以旅游在东盟国家的一些情况描述和案例分析,以强调现代旅游给这一地区所带来的机遇及挑战。  相似文献   

16.
This article examines the articulation between the senses of taste and sight through the representations of their organs, the tongue and the eye, in early modern Europe. The relationship between taste and sight first brings to mind gastronomical aesthetics, and the part played by the eye in the relish of beautifully presented dishes. The first part of this article is therefore devoted to exploring the taste of the eye (or the foretaste of sight) and highlights the harmony of taste and sight in early modern cuisine. However, the forms of reciprocity between taste and sight cannot be reduced to the sole figure of culinary aesthetics, which tends to blur the other multiple modalities that this sensorial association could reveal. The second part, the sight of the tongue (or the invisibility of taste), thus examines more complex layers of the relationship between the sense of sight and the taste organ, through a study of the representations of the tongue and of the gaping mouth in early modern visual culture. Drawing on early modern textual and iconographic resources and exploring: cookbooks; physiognomic works; conduct books; and also engravings and paintings related to the culinary arts, the seven deadly sins, and representations of madness and the fool in early modern visual culture, this essay argues that examining the representations of the sense organs is a suggestive way to explore the relationship between the senses.  相似文献   

17.
18.
马学军 《社会》2017,37(2):193-215
以往对中国共产党领导的工人运动的研究,多偏重阶级斗争的革命话语视角,而较少从组织社会学的角度来探究中共领导工人运动的组织形态问题。本文以早期安源工运为考察对象,重点分析并比较特派员李立三和刘少奇二人的工作效果,以此来探究中共早期采用特派员制度领导工人运动的组织形态。本文认为,李立三利用个人资源开创了安源工运,而作为继任者的刘少奇则未能维系安源工运,表明中共采用的派遣特派员的组织制度的运作效果是引发安源工运兴衰的重要原因。特派员实际的工作效果,既与其个人的地方资源有关,也与其在党内的位置密切相关。对中共早期特派员制度的具体分析,不仅有助于我们揭示中共早期发动工人运动的组织方式问题,还有助于我们理解中共早期组织形态的发育和演化。  相似文献   

19.
Regine Paul 《Policy Studies》2013,34(2):122-141
Heightened levels of internal labour mobility since the European Union (EU)'s Eastern enlargements in 2004 and 2007 have shifted the context for member state policies geared towards the admission of non-EU workers. This article contends that the strategic use of the internal mobility regime by member states, as a justification for selective recruitment of labour from outside the EU, deserves more analytical attention. This contribution examines how labour migration policies (LMP) in the United Kingdom, France and Germany make use of the EU free-movement framework in current legislation, and how associated policy rationales are justified. In an interpretive policy analysis of legislative documents and decision-makers' meaning-making, as related in semi-structured interviews, the article identifies the logics, tools and rationales which link LMP to EU free movement. These links are shown to be highly selective and they serve common as well as nationally distinct governance goals. Across all three cases LMPs ascribe various degrees of relevance to EU internal labour supply, depending on the different skill levels of migrants targeted in respective policies. This shared pattern of economic coordination of LMP by skill level – in which the EU common labour market plays the role of delimiting additional migration in the skilled and especially low-skilled segments – is conflated with national migration control agendas. Member states draw on EU free movement to justify migration restrictions targeted at specific sending countries. As a result, the governance of the foreign workforce produces skills- and origin-based privileges rather than granting rights to mobile migrant workers in Europe.  相似文献   

20.
This article surveys recent developments in academic approaches to the history of the working classes in the modern Middle East and argues that the decline of scholarly interest in Middle Eastern labour history is a product of the confluence of political, cultural and disciplinary transformations. Labour history thrived among historians of the Middle East in the late 1970s and 1980s but produced only a small handful of important texts in the following two decades. The marginalization of organized labour by post-populist authoritarian regimes in the Middle East, the sudden rise of political Islam as the dominant paradigm of political opposition to the state, and the general abandonment of class analysis by historians in the wake of the ‘cultural turn’ have all contributed to this decline of academic interest in the lives of Middle Eastern workers. These problems have been exacerbated by the political instability of the region and the corresponding difficulty of accessing state archives. The political spark provided by labour activism and agitation in the years preceding and following the ‘Arab Spring’, however, is once again bringing questions of labour and class to the attention of historians.  相似文献   

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