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1.
This article studies the voters of DENK, the first immigrant party to gain seats in a national parliament. It builds further on the existing literature on how immigrants and people from immigrant descent vote in Western European countries. From the literature we derive seven expectations about the kind of voters that are likely to vote for an immigrant party in terms of their political cynicism, attitudes towards economic, globalisation and moral issues. We find that DENK voters are younger Muslims, who have conservative views on moral matters, cynical attitudes towards politics, right-wing views on economic matters and progressive views on issues that pertain to the globalisation dimension, such as immigration, integration and Islam and in particular discrimination. This article uses VAA data to construct a matched sample that in terms of key variables is representative for voters with and without a migration background.  相似文献   

2.
本文认为,族群是偏重于文化特征的概念,民族是偏重于政治的概念。广西历史上就已经形成了12个各自具有共同历史来源、文化上各具特点并内部认同的族群,经过民族识别,这些族群被确定为民族,使他们从族群认同走向民族认同。但是,这种民族认同是建立在族群认同的基础之上的。  相似文献   

3.
ABSTRACT

This article contributes to the literature on the sub-state nationalist and regionalist parties (SNRPs) by investigating the policy positions in the immigration ambit taken by the Flemish nationalist party Volksunie, and by its successors after the party fell apart in 2001. We do so by analysing the party manifestos for all elections between 1978 and 2014. Beyond providing a detailed case study, the article has broader ambitions. The paper bridges the gap between the party literature and the literature on immigration and integration policies. It does so in two ways. First, it relies on a more nuanced categorisation of policy positions proposed by the immigration policy literature, which is absent in the party literature. Second, it draws explicit attention to the nation-building strategy of SNRPs as an intervening explanatory variable, mediating the influence of party competition and ideology.  相似文献   

4.
5.
This article argues that discrepancies between individual-level conceptualisations of national identity and official government approaches to national identity, as reflected in policies towards migrants, contribute to reduced levels of political trust in Europe. Public opinion data matched with contextual data measuring immigrant incorporation policies are used to investigate this proposition. The findings indicate that individuals who take a more exclusive approach to national identity but live in political systems that are comparatively more welcoming of immigrant incorporation into the national political system tend to be the least trusting of their political systems, and this is closely followed by those individuals who adopt a more inclusive form of identity but live in countries that are relatively less welcoming in their treatment of immigrants. Where individual identity and immigrant incorporation are both inclusive, trust tends to be relatively high.  相似文献   

6.
民族区域自治是中国共产党解决我国民族问题的基本形式、基本政策,也是我国的基本政治制度之-.本文论述了中国共产党在几十年的新民主主义革命过程中,把马列主义民族理论与中国民族问题实际相结合,探索解决中国民族问题的道路和基本形式、基本政策--民族区域自治政策的过程,论述了新中国建立50年来民族区域自治制度的发展和完善过程.  相似文献   

7.
李永政  王李霞 《民族学刊》2014,5(1):88-91,127-128
文化融合是一种客观的历史现象,也是现今的一种社会存在状态;是民族关系的重要内容,也是文化得以发展的重要途径。国家的概念则是近现代才从西方国家传入的新鲜产物,是生活在其地域范围内的人们对其所在国家的认识、评价与情感,主要表现于国家政治共同体和结构层面以及共同的中华民族的精神层面的认同。国家认同于国家本身、于个人都具有非常重要的意义,其中少数民族的国家认同问题显得尤为迫切。而国家认同教育是国家认同构建中的重要内容和方式。学校教育是建立国家认同的有效途径。我国的各民族的文化融合是少数民族国家认同教育的前提与基础、有力保障、表现形式,也是少数民族大学生国家认同教育的高级目标,具有重要的意义与深远的影响。我国也从中国的实际情况出发,并吸收了中国历来坚持"和而不同"处理民族关系的宝贵经验与优秀传统,制定出了相应的民族政策,坚定地保障民族文化融合,加强少数民族的国家认同教育,促进国家的稳定与团结。  相似文献   

8.
ABSTRACT

This paper analyses the construction of an Alevi political identity in terms of cultural, social and religious values at a time when the role of religion is increasing in the political life of Turkey. It indicates the emergence of a new form of conflict and hegemonic articulation between Sunnism and Alevism that offers an alternative means of conflict resolution by the Alevi political agents within a radical pluralism and agonistic democracy. It also argues that the social construction of Alevi political identity is both a political project and an ontological question as this identity focuses on religious discourses in establishing a counter-hegemonic culture through mobilizing political ‘collective passion’.  相似文献   

9.
The Australian way of life is claimed to be a celebration of sporting rather than intellectual achievement. The influence of sport for contemporary Australians is examined by asking a nationally representative sample of Australian adults to identify their most ‘influential’ sporting heroes. Men are far more likely than women to view male sporting heroes as influential with a similar pattern apparent for Liberal/National Party identifiers over other party supporters, although younger people are less likely than their older counterparts to nominate male sports stars. Cricket legend Donald Bradman’s iconic status transcends sport, signifying conservative, white, masculine elements of national identity.  相似文献   

10.
Iran, since the advent of its nation-state building process, has struggled to define its national identity in a relevant and resonant way. This article, while acknowledging the multi-dimensional nature of Iran's national identity, focuses on its two most profound components: Nationalism and Islamism. It explores how the tensions between these two are at the heart of not only the problem of Iranian identity but also of Persian identity. Examining how these two bases of identity also rely on similarity as well as difference the article argues, through the use of the tool of a problematique, that a coherent Iranian national identity, inclusive of all including ethnic minorities, is not possible until the tensions between Nationalism and Islamism at the heart of Persian identity are resolved.  相似文献   

11.
This article analyses the development of a tenuous Iraqi national identity since the creation of the Iraqi state in 1920. Informed by the ideas of Anthony D. Smith, Benedict Anderson and Eric Hobsbawm, it argues that various political actors in Iraq have sought to reshape historical memory and thus forge a national identity. Despite many setbacks and a long series of authoritarian regimes seeking to appropriate Iraqiness for their own political purposes, and recently the threat from Kurdish irredentism, this article nevertheless contends that an Iraqi cultural ‘ethnicity’ has been created over the past nine decades.  相似文献   

12.
民族伦理学日益成为民族学和伦理学研究中的一个重要分支领域。本文分别就新中国成立前的民族伦理学研究(包括古代的和近代的民族伦理学研究)、新中国成立后的民族伦理学研究(包括民族伦理学研究的发展历程、民族伦理学研究成果综述)、中国民族伦理学研究的现状与特点等进行了概述。本文既是对我国民族伦理学研究状况多年来的回顾和总结,又对这一领域的进一步深入研究提出了合理化并具有可操作性的建议。当前,在党的十六大精神的鼓舞下,在党的以德治国的治国方略的指引下,加强对民族伦理学的研究,相信对我国作为一个多民族国家,特别是对我国少数民族和民族地区的精神文明建设必将起到积极的推动作用。  相似文献   

13.
本文以人类学视野借助田野个案来侧重考察广义的"全球化"对民族国家的影响,尤其是政治全球化、文化全球化和经济全球化对相关的一些身份认同,诸如族群/民族身份认同、国家认同和国民身份建构以及公民认同等的影响。  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT

This article examines the discursive and political response to immigrant-generated diversity by Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV) in the Basque Country of Spain. A much-ballyhooed fact about PNV is that its founder, Sabino Arana, articulated a racist nationalist doctrine in the late nineteenth century. Alarm bells were raised in the early 2000s when the Basque Country became a destination for foreign immigrants arriving in Spain from Latin America and North Africa: do foreign immigrants pose a threat to Basque national identity? The PNV's answer to this question has been a clear ‘no’. Rather than distance itself from its past, however, party elites legitimate the inclusive and compassionate attitude towards foreign immigrants through selective discovery of the Basque national narrative. While sceptics of ideational variables are quick to suggest that nationalist elites manipulate the past to serve current purposes, this article suggests that such an interpretation does not do justice to the subtle ways in which symbols, myths, and images of the past have shaped the worldviews of PNV elites in the realm of immigration.  相似文献   

15.

This article focuses on the last decades of the Franco dictatorship in Spain. Two apparently distinct issues are brought together here: the discussions of the National Council of the Movement, which was dependant on Spain's single political party, regarding the possibility of defining a cultural policy to counteract separatist tendencies; and discussions of the possible interpretations of the Basque film Ama Lur (1968). Both exemplify the ideas of the authorities about how to handle the cultural dimension of the challenges represented by peripheral nationalist movements. The aim of this study is to shed light on the questions of how and to what extent attempts by the Francoist authorities to use culture as a political tool worked.  相似文献   

16.
ABSTRACT

Within the literature on public opinion, the mainstream framework is that in-group and out-group attitudes are distinct phenomena, especially with regard to racial attitudes. Elsewhere, in the literature on race and nationalism, scholars have concluded that the United States subscribes to cultural, color-blind racism, that has predominantly replaced biological racism. To explain the context in which white supremacy is again a viable political force in American politics, this paper argues that notions of biological racism that predate the Civil Rights Movement remain potent and continue to underlie cultural racism, and that that these out-group attitudes are not independent of in-group attitudes. This paper focuses on a form of dehumanization-simianization, or the depiction of racial groups (in this case African-Americans) as apes, tracing its origins in Enlightenment-era scientific racism, its historical role in shaping U.S. race and class relations, and as its role in defining American citizenship as hierarchical. Moreover, this paper presents evidence of simianization in contemporary political discourse surrounding African-Americans in the United States. The paper seeks to synthesize the literature on public opinion and that on race and nationalism in order to shed new theoretical light on our thinking about the relationship between in-group and out-group attitude formation.  相似文献   

17.
This article subjects the historiography and evidence of the massacre of Chinese immigrants in the Cañete valley by Afro-Peruvian peasants, led by women during the War of the Pacific, to critical analysis in light of recent discussions of the nexus of race, culture and nation. It validates the motives of the peasants who carried out the massacre by examining the event as an aspect of racial and cultural identity formation. The study highlights the self-serving character of contemporary evaluations, and it gives attention to the cultural tensions and ambiguous meanings present in the massacre which illustrate the character of national identity projects in late nineteenth-century Peru.  相似文献   

18.
民族认同的精神文化内涵   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
民族认同是民族文化尤其是精神文化被本民族全体成员体认、内化、弘扬、升华的过程。文化认同是民族认同的内在要求和前提条件,在民族认同中具有基础性作用。精神文化能准确、深刻地表达文化和民族的本质特征,在民族认同中占据着核心地位。从文化哲学的角度考察文化认同与民族认同的关系,剖析民族认同的文化实质,揭示民族心理、民族意识、民族精神等精神文化要素在民族认同过程中所起的重要作用,对于增进民族认同、弘扬民族精神、建设民族共有的精神家园具有重要的理论和现实指导意义。  相似文献   

19.
民族自治地方可以依照当地民族的政治、经济和文化特点,对法律和行政法规的规定作出变通规定,变通立法是民族自治地方自治权的重要表现形式。法律变通是对少数民族人权的特殊保护,是民族平等权的有效保障。法律变通能够巩固民族认同基础上的国家认同,有效推动政治发展,促进政治文明和法治建设,实现差异性的统一,促进社会和谐。  相似文献   

20.
梁君思 《民族学刊》2021,12(2):31-40, 96
中国共产党民族理论百年演进的奋斗历程表明,必须把马克思主义民族理论基本原理与中国民族问题的具体实际相结合,建立中国特色的民族理论体系。中国共产党的民族理论既不是先天长成的,亦不是后天做成的,而是多种因素合力下长成的。其中,作为“材料”的民族主义、作为“方法”的民族运动、作为“他者”的民族国家、作为“根基”的民族精神、作为“使命”的民族复兴五重面向,反映了党民族理论历史起步时期不同阶段的主题、内容及特征。当然,这些面向并非边界清晰可判,在不同的阶段有时侧重突出一面,有时多面交织呈现。虽然此时的民族理论不可避免地呈现出某些不成熟的面向,但已初具雏形,并为其后的渐进改进提供了理论前站、搭建了总体框架。这一探讨,对理解中国共产党民族理论百年演进的艰难性、曲折性、多元性和复杂性具有重要的价值。  相似文献   

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