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1.
Objective. This study examines the economic and social impact of Indian gaming on the residents of the 22 pueblos and tribes in New Mexico. Method. We employ a naturally occurring quasi‐experimental design that classifies each of the Indian Nations into one of two groups, gaming and nongaming, depending on the continuous operation of a “Las Vegas” style casino for multiple years in the 1990s. For these two groups we compare aggregate, primarily U.S. Census, data spanning 25 indicators in both 1990 and 2000. Results. Although improvements were evident for both groups, nine of the 12 economic measures and six of the 13 social measures revealed a growing disparity favoring gaming nations during the 1990s, while six other measures suggested declining but continuing differences. These findings persisted in light of controls for population and urbanization, though many of the economic differences disappeared for the rural nations. Conclusion. Gaming has had a positive economic and social impact on the gaming pueblos and tribes in New Mexico, especially for the more urbanized nations. The gaming nations are enjoying higher incomes, lower levels of poverty, and improvements in selected social areas compared to those nations opting not to pursue casino gaming in the 1990s.  相似文献   

2.
Objective. The objective of this article is to provide evidence about the effectiveness of drug law enforcement as a tool for reducing other types of crime. Considerable resources are devoted to enforcing our nation's drug laws, but existing research suggests that intensifying drug law enforcement may serve to increase, rather than decrease, crime. Method. Using data for 62 counties in New York State for 1996–2000, we estimate a set of models that evaluate the effects of recent drug arrests on reported rates of assault, robbery, burglary, and larceny. The estimated statistical model includes controls for fixed effects, time effects, autocorrelation, and heteroskedasticity. Results. The consistency of results is striking—there is no model in which drug arrests are found to have a significant negative relationship with crime. All crimes are positively related to arrests for the manufacture and sale of “hard drugs.” Increases in total per capita drug arrests and arrests for “hard drug” possession are accompanied by higher rates for all crimes except assault. Increased arrests for the manufacture or sale of marijuana are associated with increases in larcenies. Conclusions. The empirical findings raise serious questions about the effectiveness of drug enforcement as a crime‐control measure and suggest that significant social costs may arise from existing approaches to drug control.  相似文献   

3.
As the Indian gaming industry has experienced unprecedented growth over the past two decades, tribes have pursued different paths regarding the utilization of gaming revenues within parameters established by the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act. Since 1993, more than 100 tribes have received approval through the Department of the Interior to distribute revenues directly to tribal members through per capita payments governed by a Tribal Revenue Allocation Plan (RAP). This paper improves our understanding of nations with payment plans by exploring whether socio-economic tribal features are associated with the successful adoption of a RAP. We find that tribes who gained approval of a RAP in the 1990s have higher per capita incomes, while also having smaller populations and lower levels of educational attainment. Population is the strongest predictor of RAP adoptions in both the 1990s and 2000s, with the impact of other tribal features being less meaningful in explaining adoption in the second decade.  相似文献   

4.
Using data from the 1990 and 2000 U.S. Census of Population and Housing, we examine five social and economic characteristics of individuals and households living on reservations in Arizona and New Mexico that have a casino to those that do not. This research differs in two ways from previous studies that have attempted to assess the social and economic impacts of Indian gaming. First, the unit of observation and analysis is the reservation, not a tribe. A focus on reservations allows us to assess the role casinos play in “place-based” economic development. Second, since reservations and tribes are not coterminous, we seek to differentiate the effects of casinos on the Indian population living on reservations from the effects for all reservation residents (Indians and others). The results show that casino gambling is associated with improvements in social and economic welfare for both the Indian and non-Indian populations alike. However, Indian gaming did not contribute to positive outcomes in all cases. Indeed, the effects of gaming are filtered through a myriad of structural and cultural contexts that shape who wins and who loses when a casino opens on a reservation. The implications of Indian gaming for economic development are discussed.  相似文献   

5.
Although crime statistics are relatively less developed in Australia than in many other advanced western nations, the information that is available suggests that crime is on the increase. To talk of overall crime rates is, however, to overlook important differences between crimes, between geographical areas, and between different time periods. Examination of crime statistics for the New South Wales north coast reveals just how difficult it is to identify general trends.  相似文献   

6.
This investigation extends research on racial and ethnic segregation, poverty, and crime rates to schools. We study 371 high schools in Florida to determine whether poverty mediates the relationship between segregation and rates of school disorder. The data for this work come from the Florida Department of Education and the National Center for Educational Statistics. Consistent with previous studies of racial segregation and crime, we find that school segregation is strongly associated with levels of school disorder. Unlike previous research, however, poverty completely mediates the segregation–disorder relationship. Nevertheless, our findings are highly consistent with contemporary theories of racial segregation and violence.  相似文献   

7.
In the Southwestern United States, Hispanas and American Indian women are increasingly adopting policymaking roles in state, local, and tribal politics. This study examines the influence of gender and ethnic identity on the policy agendas of 30 women who hold public office in New Mexico. Although the findings reveal a distinct pattern of advocacy for a feminist agenda, the majority of these indigenous leaders do not identify themselves or their goals as feminist. This research indicates that women’s policy concerns transcend ethnic/race boundaries. Furthermore, to understand Hispanas’ and Indian women’s politics, and to effectively apply feminist theory to praxis, new models incorporating their practical application of feminism are needed.  相似文献   

8.
Objectives. The idea that immigration increases crime rates has historically occupied an important role in criminological theory and has been central to the public and political discourses and debates on immigration policy. In contrast to the common sentiment, some scholars have recently questioned whether the increase in immigration between 1990 and 2000 may have actually been responsible for part of the national decrease in crime during the 1990s. The current work evaluates the influence of immigration on crime in urban areas across the United States between 1990 and 2000. Methods. Drawing on U.S. Census and Uniform Crime Report data, I first use ordinary least squares regression models to assess the cross‐sectional relationship between immigration patterns and rates of homicide and robbery among U.S. cities with populations of at least 50,000. Second, I employ pooled cross‐sectional time‐series models to determine how changes in immigration influenced changes in homicide and robbery rates between 1990 and 2000. Results. In the ordinary least squares models, immigration is associated with higher levels of homicide and robbery. However, the pooled cross‐sectional time‐series models suggest that cities with the largest increases in immigration between 1990 and 2000 experienced the largest decreases in homicide and robbery during the same time period. Conclusion. The findings offer insights into the complex relationship between immigration and crime and suggest that growth in immigration may have been responsible for part of the precipitous crime drop of the 1990s.  相似文献   

9.
Crime rates in New South Wales are compared with overseas figures. Comparisons are made between Sydney and eight American and two Canadian cities of similar size. Urban-rural crime rates are studied by relating Sydney, Newcastle and Wollongong to the rest of the State. In both rural and urban areas the rates for homicide, sex offences and other offences against the person are relatively low when compared with American rates. The rates for property offences and car theft are similar to those which exist in America and, and in the case of Sydney, exceed the rate of these offences in the two Canadian cities studied.  相似文献   

10.
Drug-related violence is now an everyday occurrence in Mexico's northern border-states. While it often appears that all crimes are on the rise in the border region, the actual number of alleged offenders caught and brought to court differs significantly for different types of crime. Using panel data for Mexico's 31 states plus the Federal District from 2004 to 2008, it was found that there were more alleged offenders caught per 100,000 inhabitants involving theft, property damage, and carrying prohibited arms, in Mexico's northern border-states compared to interior states. The effects of other socioeconomic variables on crime in Mexico, such as GDP, incarceration rates, births to single mothers and expenditures on public security, were also examined.  相似文献   

11.
Scholars argue that the dramatic increase in the African-American incarceration rate that occurred after the civil rights era was in part a reflection of the declining utility of residential segregation as a modern form of social control. Existing research has not thoroughly investigated the association between racial segregation and prison admission rates. Using 2002 data for 198 metropolitan counties, this research examines the relationship between two dimensions of racial residential segregation and African-American prison admission rates for drug offenses. The results from a multivariate regression analysis reveal that the prison admission rates of African-Americans for drug offenses are lower in counties where White residents are more residentially isolated from African-Americans. The admission rates are unaffected by the dissimilarity index. Consistent with recent research on the level of coercive control, the findings suggest that the effect of the percentage of African-Americans residing in an area is nonlinear.  相似文献   

12.
Objective . This article studies the impact of increasing incarceration rates on crime rates. First we seek to replicate the findings of previous studies utilizing the pooled, fixed–effects models (which are based on the assumption that the effect of imprisonment does not vary across states). Next we test the validity of this assumption. Finally, we present a new methodology to examine the imprisonment–crime relationship. Methods . Annual state–level data from 1971–1998 are used to estimate 51 state–specific regression models in which crime rates for seven major categories are functions of incarceration rates and a wide array of socioeconomic and dummy control variables. Results . Our findings are consistent with prior studies. More important, the assumptions upon which the fixed–effect models are based were found to be statistically invalid. The results of our new methodology reveal that imprisonment rates are not significantly related to crime in the majority of states for any of the seven crimes studied. Conclusions . Because the state–level lagged imprisonment coefficients varied from significant negative effects to significant positive effects (depending on the state and type of crime), we argue that it is inappropriate to speak about "the" effect of imprisonment on any particular crime or at the national level.  相似文献   

13.
14.
As of 2018, ten states allowed students, faculty, and staff to carry concealed firearms on campus. Although there has been much discussion regarding campus carry laws, there has been very little empirical research conducted on the link between campus carry laws and crime on campus. The present study attempts to determine if campus carry laws are statistically related to campus level crime. Using state-level data for the period 2005–2014 and a fixed effects model, results of the present study suggest that campus carry laws have no statistically significant relationship with campus level crime. However, campuses located in states that allow unpermitted concealed carry have lower property crime rates. These results corroborate the findings of prior studies on this topic. Given these results, states should reconsider enacting campus carry laws, and colleges and universities should be given more latitude in deciding whether or not firearms are appropriate on their campuses.  相似文献   

15.
This work argues that the economic crisis in Latin America resulting from structural adjustment programs and recession has had deleterious effects on the relationship between demographic factors and health. 2 works presented at the 1989 International Union for the Scientific Study of Population meeting in New Delhi considered the difficulty of demonstrating unambiguously the demographic effects of the economic crisis. This work, instead of looking at overall rates which may not have been greatly affected, focuses on 3 specific areas that reflect the relationship between population and health in the context of the crisis. Although the infant mortality rate has continued to decline in almost all countries and regions of Latin America during the crisis, the decline has been unequal in different sectors. A comparison of data from the 1987 National Survey of Fertility and Health in Mexico with that of the 1982 National Demographic Survey shows that rural infant mortality declined by only 1% between the 2 surveys, while urban infant mortality declined by 21%. An indicator of available services in the household showed the same increase inequality. Disaggregation of infant mortality data for Mexico suggests that even a presumably biological determinant, maternal age, loses much of its weight when socioeconomic factors are considered. Other studies, on the impact of maternal education, similarly indicate that the relationship is different for different social sectors. The infant mortality data taken together suggest that infant mortality continues to ba a valid indicator of social inequality, and that the crisis has had the effect of increasing inequality and worsening the relative conditions of the least advantaged. In the area of fertility, data from the 1989 National Survey of Fertility and Health in Mexico are used to argue that family planning programs are integral components of an authoritarian governmental political style. The survey indicated that sterilization is now the most commonly used contraceptive method in Mexico and that fully 12.4% of sterilized women did not make the decision to be sterilized themselves. 34% of illiterate women who were sterilized did not make the decision themselves. 14% of all the women but 33% of illiterate women reported they would not be sterilized if they could make the decision again. These data and others on the high proportion of women who undergo sterilization at young ages and low parities and without being informed of other methods suggest that the attitude of the official family planning program is becoming more authoritarian and less respectful of human rights as it seeks to curb population growth. The area of health effects has usually been ignored in migration studies. The phenomenon of Mexican migrant workers in the US who return to Mexico after contracting AIDS is an obvious example of the link between population variables and health.  相似文献   

16.
Latinos tend to have significantly lower levels of access to general and top quality medical care than do non-Latino whites, and although disparities in access to health care have diminished for all other minority groups over time, they have widened for Latinos. Given these trends, current attempts to provide universal health care at both the national and state levels across the United States have large implications for the health status of Latinos. The objective of this analysis is to determine whether Latinos have different attitudes regarding health reform than non-Latino whites. Our data are from a statewide random digit dialing telephone survey of New Mexico residents, age 18 and older, conducted in the Fall of 2007. With a Latino population of 44% and ongoing health care reform efforts by the state legislature, New Mexico is an ideal location for this analysis. After controlling for a host of individual level factors, our findings suggest that while Latinos are less likely to identify health care as a salient state issue relative to the economy and crime, they are more likely than non-Latino whites to believe affordable health care programs are important. Finally, Latinos view employers, more than government or individuals, to be responsible for expanding health care coverage.  相似文献   

17.
Objective: To study the association between social disorganization and youth violence rates in rural communities. Method: We employed rural Missouri counties (N = 106) as units of analysis, measured serious violent victimization data via hospital records, and the same measures of social disorganization as Osgood and Chambers (2000). Controlling for spatial autocorrelation, the negative binomial estimator was used to estimate the effects of social disorganization on youth violence rates. Results: Unlike Osgood and Chambers, we found only one of five social disorganization measures, the proportion of female-headed households, to be associated with rural youth violent victimization rates. Conclusion: Although most research on social disorganization theory has been undertaken on urban areas, a highly cited Osgood and Chambers (2000) study appeared to extend the generalize ability of social disorganization as an explanation of the distribution of youth violence to rural areas. Our results suggest otherwise. We provide several methodological and theoretical reasons why it may be too early to draw strong conclusions about the generalize ability of social disorganization to crime rates in rural communities.  相似文献   

18.
Objectives . The study of crime directed at gay and lesbian targets is hampered by two measurement problems: Police agencies provide unreliable data on hate crime, and tract-level census data contain no direct information about gay or lesbian population density. This article attempts to gauge two quantities that cannot be measured directly or unambiguously: the size of the gay and lesbian populations and the number of hate crimes directed at gay and lesbian targets. Methods . Population data for New York City were gathered from market research lists and from a special tabulation of the 1990 Census. Hate crime data were obtained from the Anti-Violence Project and the New York Police Department. Confirmatory factor analysis was used to assess the reliability of each measure and the correlation between latent population density and hate crime. Results . Each of these measures offers a reliable means by which to assess cross-sectional differences in the population density and victimization of gay men. Census and police data prove to be inferior indicators of lesbian population density and antilesbian hate crime. For both men and women, population density is strongly correlated with the incidence of hate crime. Conclusions . Despite the fact that advocacy groups record many more antigay incidents than do the police, both sources of data are in agreement about where hate crimes occur. The strong correlation between population density and hate crime against gay men implies that Census data could be used to forecast the occurrence of hate crime in areas where no police records exist.  相似文献   

19.
The New Social Policy in Britain   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This paper starts from the proposition that approaches to crime and penal policy in contemporary Britain are of a piece with approaches to social policy across a number of fronts. "The New Social Policy" is examined in terms of "the stakeholder idea", its implications for how people are meant to behave, and the distance between this and socio-economic realities. The paper then explores various sectors of stakeholder social policy in their new order of importance—employment and training, education, health care, social care, housing, social security—before commenting on policies in respect of crime and crime prevention, in the light of the foregoing observations and with particular reference to the "lock-'em-up" tendency. The paper concludes that stakeholdership is no recipe for crime prevention.  相似文献   

20.
Fear of crime is studied extensively as a potential contributor to the decline of a community. People who fear crime are expected to stay indoors and seek shelter, which then encourages more crime, setting in motion a vicious cycle that ultimately bodes ill for community engagement. However, there is little research that examines directly the relationship between fear of crime and participation. We explore such a relationship with Canadian survey data by looking at whether fear of crime can explain participation in a variety of associational activities. Our models show a relationship between fear of crime and participation, but the nature of that relationship varies according to the type of activity. A high level of fear, as well as reciprocity, explain participation in “vertical” associational life, while the absence of fear explains participation in “horizontal” associational life, although this latter pattern is mediated through reciprocity.  相似文献   

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