从生产主义到消费主义：炫耀性消费研究述评

一部人类历史，从一定程度上讲是一部消费史。然而，作为一种重要的社会事实，消费问题却长期受到社会学家的冷遇。直到19世纪中后期，情况才有所改观。凡勃伦在《有闲阶级论》中对美国刚刚成长起来的暴发户群体的消费行为进行了初步分析，在此基础上，他提出了“炫耀性消费”这一社会科学界内的不朽概念。本文中，笔者对凡勃伦的炫耀性消费思想作了简略的探讨；对生产主义和消费主义视角下的炫耀性消费研究进行系统的回顾；旨在指出过往研究中的不足并提倡开展本土化的炫耀性消费研究。     

Challenging Stereotypes in Treatment of the Homeless Alcoholic and Addict: Creating Freedom Through Structure in Large Groups

This paper challenges stereotypes that influence treatment of the alcoholic and addicted homeless population. It describes a method used to work with this population that was developed when group membership rose to 30 to 45 and became too large for "traditional" small-group approaches.     

Inter–Group Helping Relations as Power Relations: Maintaining or Challenging Social Dominance Between Groups Through Helping

The article presents a model which proposes that groups may establish or challenge dominance through helping. It begins by noting the centrality of inequality in helping and inter–group relations. The implications of this to affirmative action programs are noted. Following this, a model of inter–group helping relations is proposed. It suggests that when the high status group provides to the low status group dependency oriented help, it may do so in order to establish dominance. The willing receptivity of the low status group may indicate its acceptance of the inequality, and lack of receptivity for such help may be motivated by the desire to achieve social equality. Empirical findings that are relevant to this analysis are presented in studies using Israeli students as research participants.     

Including the Socially Excluded: The Impact of Government Policy on Vulnerable Families and Children in Need

This paper is based on a literature review undertaken for theOffice of the Deputy Prime Minister in 2004 (Buchanan et al., 2004)on the impact of government policy in England and Wales forchildren aged from birth to thirteen at high risk of socialexclusion as recorded up until May 2004. It describes the conceptof ‘social exclusion’; its meaning for children;the aims of government policy; the specific impact of governmentpolicy on vulnerable families and children in need (includingchildren needing child protection and all ‘looked after’children) as defined by the 1989 Children Act. The paper demonstratesthat although progress has been made, there are still majorareas of concern. The more discursive parts at the end of thepaper reflect the views of the author and later thinking, andwere not part of the original submission to the Social ExclusionUnit.     

翻译与差异性:马克思文本研究中的一个问题

随着现代哲学尤其是解释学、解构理论、分析哲学的发展,翻译作为哲学研究的话题日益受到学者们的关注,而从翻译的角度切入马克思文本的研究也逐渐成为马克思主义哲学研究领域的一个新的理论生长点。对于翻译中出现的差异性,不仅要考虑其语言学的维度,也要还原到具体的历史语境中寻找其政治及文化语境的影响。     

Organization and Professionalism: The Social Work Agenda in the 1990s

Dr R. Hugman. Dept. of Applied Social Science. Cartmel College. Lancaster University. Lancaster LAI 4YL. Summary The professionalization of social work in the UK during thiscentury has led to an occupational unity, but one in which therehas been continued struggle over the form and content of professionalism.This paper summarizes the key points of developments in thelast two decades, in which debates between professionalism andanti-professionalism and between specialization and localizationcan be discerned. Further changes in the welfare state haveprovided the impetus for continuing developments which, it isargued, integrate aspects from opposing sides of the previousdebates. The failure of social work to address issues of genderand of racism is considered, and related to the possibilitiesof greater service user participation. The implications forsocial work professionalism are outlined.     

公民身份认同：一个新研究领域的形成理路

公民身份的认同问题是20世纪90年代以后由公民身份研究与认同研究结合而被推动起来的,是亚民族的地方认同与超民族的区域认同汇合到政治层面得以表达的结果,对西方民族国家建构的现代公民身份及其认同形态都产生很大冲击。公民身份与认同既相矛盾又可部分融合;公民身份认同主要关注个体或群体对政治共同体之成员地位（包括自我安全、归属、团结、包容或排斥）的心理认知和主观感受,在于提升政治共同体之成员的尊严和地位。公民身份认同研究从外部可以划分为宪政爱国主义、多元主义、激进民主主义这三种理论视角与政治主张,从内部可以划分为合法化构建的、拒斥性的、重新规划的公民身份认同三种类型。本文立足于20世纪90年代以来西方社会政治理论的主要文献,旨在厘清公民身份与认同两议题的结合过程,阐释据于公民身份认同的不同理论旨趣,探讨其内在的分形结构。公民身份认同研究正日益受到学术界的高度关注,其内部分形在现实上正挑战着现代公民身份的单一认同结构。
关键词：公民身份认同公民身份认同合法化构建的拒斥性的重新规划的     

协商民主视域下的政策议程设定

在目前中国的体制下,阻碍社会问题进入政策议程的因素主要有以下几个方面：政府主导型的议程设置模式、特殊利益集团对政策议程的不公平的干预、片面追求GDP的经济发展模式。这些因素只能导致社会问题的积蓄和扩大,不利于矛盾的解决。而作为决策形式的协商民主理论,强调公民参与的议程设定模式,体现公民参与的公平、效率、自由和安全,以保证公共政策所应有的价值和目标取向。     

西方公民资格的主流范式与美国特色

西方公民资格传统通常划分为两大主流范式:一是以权利为中心的自由主义范式;二是以美德为中心的共和主义范式。两大范式后面都隐含了平等的前提和自由的目标。但考察十九世纪的美国公民资格,它似乎表现为一种完全不同的"另类"。那一时期的美国公民资格以对印地安人、黑人、奴隶、妇女等"二等公民"的排斥作为基础,以社会不平等作为前提。在内容方面,它以奴隶的生活作为参照点,以获得社会大众的承认和接纳作为目标,与主流公民资格范式的自由追求相去甚远。美国公民资格传统不仅为分析公民资格的发展范式提供了新的视角,而且为美国社会的发展提供了强大的动力。     

Openness in adoption: Challenging the narrative of historical progress

One significant change in adoption practice that has occurred over the last four decades is the shift away from an expectation of confidentiality towards an expectation of openness in adoption. Openness is typically conceived in terms of the level of contact between adoptive and birth families following adoption or the extent to which adoption is openly discussed within the adoptive family. While these shifts in practice have generated controversy, they are largely supported by research evidence and have become a feature of contemporary adoptive family life. As a result, the narrative that has emerged in relation to openness in adoption is one of historical progress. In this paper, I argue that the lived reality of adoption is less straightforward than this narrative suggests. An analysis of the social and cultural context in which adoption operates suggests instead that the persistent feature of adoption throughout this historical period of increasing openness can be more accurately described as a state of enduring ambiguity regarding the nature of post‐adoption relationships. The paper highlights the potentially damaging consequences of overlooking this aspect of adoptive family life and comments on the role of policy in shaping openness in adoption.     

Spinning the Rural Agenda: The Countryside Alliance, Fox Hunting and Social Policy

This paper investigates the ways in which the UK hunting lobby has historically sought to widen its appeal by wrapping the hunting debate up in broader countryside issues in an attempt to present it as an integral part of rural life. It is based upon a detailed analysis of the re‐branding of the hunting lobby and the subsequent framing of the Countryside Alliance's Liberty and Livelihood March in the British newspaper press in September 2002. This illustrates how the hunting lobby has fed upon and promoted the perception of a growing urban–rural divide in the UK. The analysis suggests that there is a long history of symbiotic relationships between campaigning organizations promoting a ‘countryside agenda’ and the politically partisan UK press. Gaining extensive newspaper access, however, does not guarantee that a protest group is successful in its aims. This case study suggests that it is important to consider the less visible processes of news production within their historical context, and in relation to the broader policy‐making arena, to adequately assess whether there has been a fundamental shift in the relationship between protest movements and the press in recent years.     

The Trouble with Harry: Why the 'New Agenda of Life Politics' Fails to Convince

via e-mail: paul.garrett{at}nottingham.ac.uk Summary Harry Ferguson (2001), referring largely to Britain and Ireland,maintains that social work should be committed to a ‘newway of thinking’ which is rooted in ‘life politics’.This idea, uncritically grounded in the ideas of Anthony Giddensand Ulrich Beck, fails to convince because: the assertion thatwe are now living in a ‘post traditional order’is undermined by the resilience of key historical forms of regulationand control which continue, for example, to limit women's choicein the sphere of reproductive rights; identified changes inthe texture of family relations are not evidenced by research;the ‘life politics’ perspective places too greatan emphasis on human agency, choice and volition and not enoughon structural constraint; the structural location of the ‘lifepolitics’ proponents is not interrogated; the analysisis too stridently dismissive of the idea that ‘emancipatorypolitics’ should be social work's primary orientation.     

The Misuse of Statistics: Concepts,Tools, and a Research Agenda

This paper presents concerns regarding misuse of statistics in scientific work, especially in biomedical research. The paper discusses what is meant by "misuse." It appears that misuse arises from various sources: degrees of competence in statistical theory and methods, honest error in the application of methods, egregious negligence, and deliberate deception (misconduct.) The incidence of error is partly due to a perceived need to meet artificial statistical criteria for acceptance of research reports for publication by journals. There has been no systematic research into the prevalence of misuse or its breakdown by type. Nonetheless, there are ways to encourage, or even to enforce, good statistical practice. These can be greatly supported by use of available statistical ethics documents. This article suggests lines of further research that could define the problem more explicitly and that might lead to additional corrective measures.     

The Benefits of Diversity in Education for Democratic Citizenship

The social science statement in Brown v. Board of Education (1954) stressed that desegregation would benefit both African American and White children. Eventually, it was recognized that integration, rather than mere desegregation, was important for benefits to be realized. A parallel argument is made in the legal cases concerning affirmative action in higher education: educational benefits of diversity depend on curricular and co-curricular experience with diverse peers, not merely on their co-existence in the same institution ( Gurin, P., 1999 , Gurin, Dey, Hurtado, & Gurin, 2002 ). Positive benefits of diversity were demonstrated in a study comparing students in a curricular diversity program with students in a matched control group ( n = 174 ), and in a longitudinal survey of University of Michigan students ( n = 1670 ) .     

Citizenship Lessons from the Past: The Contours of Immigrant Naturalization in the Early 20th Century*

Objectives. What were the determinants and patterns of naturalization in the first two decades of the 20th century? Low levels of citizenship acquisition among contemporary immigrants are frequently contrasted to the assumed rapid naturalization of prior European migrants, but in truth we know little about the earlier period. Historic data are well suited to investigate four explanations for naturalization: individuals' resources and skills; regulatory and bureaucratic barriers to citizenship; relative costs and benefits of citizenship; and the degree of political mobilization directed to immigrants. Methods. I use U.S. Census microfile data to run logistic regression models, and documentary material to examine the contours of immigrant naturalization in the early 20th century. Results. I find that while individual attributes matter, place of residence could be even more important; in 1900, where an immigrant lived influenced naturalization more than birthplace, ability to speak English, or literacy. Residence effects seem linked to a state's relative openness to immigration and local political mobilization. Over time, however, residence effects attenuate as the 1906 Naturalization Act and establishment of a federal naturalization bureaucracy appear to make citizenship patterns more uniform across the country. Conclusions. These findings suggest that historic and contemporary explanations of immigrants' naturalization should focus as much on the context of reception as the presumed quality of immigrants.     

日本家庭主妇阶层的形成

家庭主妇阶层是在近代城市化和工业化的过程中,在社会结构变迁、家庭结构变迁等社会变迁的背景下产生的。尽管在发达国家,家庭主妇作为中产阶级地位的象征是普遍存在的,但是不同国家中的家庭主妇阶层的规模是不同的,其中以日本的家庭主妇阶层最为典型,数量最为庞大和壮观。值得注意的是,在全球化和经济一体化的时代,日本能够产生典型的家庭主妇阶层显然还存在着更深刻、更典型的制度根源。通过对日本国家制度的研究,有助于我们理解日本家庭主妇阶层产生的深层原因。