Social Capital,Interpersonal Trust,and Public Housing

Abstract

Addressing the relationship between housing tenure and social disadvantage, this research examines social capital among public tenants in Australia, concentrating on their level of interpersonal trust and confidence in a range of public institutions. Through multivariate analyses of national survey data it also profiles the social and political background of public housing tenants. As expected, public tenants tend to have lower incomes, lower levels of education, and working-class backgrounds, or do not identify with any class location at all. They are less likely to be married or in de facto relationships than people in other housing tenures, but are more likely to identify with the Australian Labor Party than with the Coalition parties. Although public housing tenants have access to secure and affordable housing, they appear to be generally less trusting than private renters or homeowners and exhibit less confidence in government institutions such as the Australian parliament. Public housing tenants express lower levels of interpersonal trust even controlling for a range of social background factors, suggesting that as a form of tenure, public housing in some ways exacerbates the disadvantage of tenants.     

The Race for Education: Class,White Tone,and Desegregated Schooling in South Africa

In the early 1990s, privileged “white” South African public schools began to admit “black” pupils. Drawing on interviews, ethnography, and archival sources related to formerly‐white schools in Durban, this article addresses two main questions: first, why did white parents so enthusiastically vote for schooling desegregation when apartheid was still in place?; and second, why, over time, did intense competition emerge between schools, and become so focused on improving sports results? In addressing these questions this study takes an historical‐geographical approach, paying particular attention to two areas of Durban: the middle‐class central Berea area and the more working‐class areas in Durban's south. This story begins in the 1950s, a period of major schooling expansion and urban segregation, tracing how a hierarchy of white schools developed in relation to the city's uneven geographies of race and class. It is this schooling hierarchy and the way it became contested in the 1990s that is key to understanding the schools' shift from “cooperative desegregation” to “aggressive competition.” More broadly, the article argues that education provides a window into key post‐apartheid tensions – namely between the deracialization of privilege, the continued dividend of whiteness, and efforts to redistribute resources to the poor. Finally, in an age of mass education, it argues that the actions of schools play an important role in shaping raced and classed divisions in society.     

Race,Class, and Support for the Welfare State*

Two competing approaches to the study of African Americans—the race and class perspectives—have dominated attempts to explain their views on contemporary issues. To examine the race versus class debate, this study uses African Americans' views on government spending for five social welfare concerns: (1) improving and protecting the nation's health, (2) solving the problems of big cities, (3) halting rising crime rates, (4) dealing with drug addiction, and (5) improving the nation's education system. Data from the 1972–1990 General Social Surveys are used to compare middle-class blacks with both working-class blacks and whites and middle-class whites in terms of their support for government spending for those five social welfare issues. Examining group means, we found no significant difference between the two black classes but a significant difference between the black middle class and the white middle class on support for government spending in all areas except halting the rising crime rates (where there were no significant differences among the four groups). Similarly, using logistic regression analysis we found that race continued to have a significant effect on support for spending even after controlling for class, year, age, gender, education, income, and occupational prestige. In respect to social welfare spending, the results indicate support for the race, as opposed to the class, perspective; that is, race is better than class for predicting African American attitudes on government spending.     

Begging the questions: producing Shakespeare for post‐apartheid South African schools

This paper examines some of the ways ‘Shakespeare’ is functioning in the post‐apartheid education system. It is not based on education or textbook theory. Rather, it seeks to test some of the assertions of new historicist and cultural materialist theories by analysing the ideological work performed by editions of Macbeth produced for post‐apartheid schools. It asks questions about Shakespeare in the South African school classroom, and about the relationship of work produced in universities to the broader educational, and cultural, context.     

Well‐being among adolescent boys

Most studies on mental health in the adult population have found a significant relationship between mental health and social class. No study has thoroughly examined this relationship in the adolescent population. This article, based on the Bachman, O'Malley, and Johnston “Youth in Transition” data set, tests the social class/mental state relationship among adolescents. Three separate measures—well‐being, psychiatric symptoms, and depression—are used to indicate mental state. Social class is based on a composite measure of socioeconomic level that exists within the “Youth in Transition” data set. Surprisingly, no relationship was found. These results persisted even when more traditional measures of social class based on parents’ education and the Duncan ranking of the fathers’ occupations were substituted for socioeconomic level. An alternative explanation supporting social stress is discussed in light of Thornberry's developmental hypothesis.     

Arenas of contested citizenship: housing policy in South Africa

There are well-founded concerns that current South African housing policy will entrench and reinforce rather than reduce existing inequalities that are the legacy of apartheid. This study examines the processes by which attempts to formulate housing policy that would have moved the country towards egalitarian citizenship were undermined and scuttled largely through inappropriate timing of policy negotiations and shrewed manipulation of the process by forces opposed to change. The housing policy analysis is centered on the core themes of citizenship, property, and place which are pivotal to the process of post-apartheid healing and reconciliation. An introduction to these concepts in the context of housing policy in apartheid South Africa sets the background against which the proceedings of the National Housing Forum, the vehicle for policy negotiation and formulation established during the dying years of apartheid, are examined. The policy that emerged and was adopted by the post-apartheid government are then evaluated within the framework of the core themes of the study. The analysis is structured around the major place types that are the legacy of apartheied: the African “location” or township, the displaced urban settlements or dormitory towns of the African reserves, and the rural homestead. Within this structure, the form of citizenship of the inhabitants of each place type, namely, township residents, migrant workers, long distance commuters, and rural women is considered. The analysis reveals that realizing the goals of equal citizenship is contingent upon policy that will move beyond the confines of the current uniform and monetarist approach, and address the broader issues of property and place.     

Power,poets and the people: Mozambican voices interpreting history

This article analyses the relationship between the state and the nascent African trade unions in South Africa between 1918 and 1948. It shows how the government's attempts to deal with African workers separately from white workers became increasingly difficult during this period. Pressures from African unions themselves, from liberal groups and from the increasingly important role played by Africans in the economy, forced the state to seek a coherent way of handling African trade unions. The paper shows how the state was divided over this issue, with Native Affairs and Labour Department officials conflicting with each other and with government ministers. Although the cabinet held ultimate power within the state, civil servants played a significant role in shaping government policy and determining how it was implemented. The paper concludes that, although circumstances have changed greatly since 1948, the pre‐apartheid era has important lessons for state/organised labour relations in the post‐apartheid South Africa which is currently taking shape.     

Race,Class, and the Packaging of Harlem

In the 1970s and early 1980s, patterns of divestment dotted Harlem's landscape with abandoned buildings and the urban blight this engenders. With government subsidies, many of these properties have been refurbished and are now occupied by African American professional homeowners. Overall, capital investment in housing property is up and businesses are taking an interest in a community that was previously avoided. This article looks at the impact of gentrification in Central and West Harlem, New York. It identifies key actors and institutions involved in facilitating this transformation, examines social relations among black professional residents, and considers how these may be informed by class and race inequalities. This article is also critical of theoretical and ethnographic approaches to African American life that mythologize the middle class, erase the working class, and fail to acknowledge fragmentation in both groupings. It concludes with a brief discussion of some of the responses to this research that were shared by project participants and other anthropologists.     

Environmental Correlates of Depressive Symptoms Among African American Adolescents Living in Public Housing

Abstract

Using a sample of 238 African American adolescents living in public housing, this study assesses the prevalence of depressive symptoms and examines the relationship between depressive symptoms and neighborhood characteristics. The prevalence of depressive symptoms was 34. Males (M = 20) reported significantly higher depressive symptoms than females (M = 16). Results show a significant relationship between ambient risk and depressive symptoms. The relationship between ambient risk and depressive symptoms was exacerbated by exposure to delinquent peers. Parental factors and attitude towards deviance buffered the relationship between ambient risk and depressive symptoms. These findings may have important implications for social policy and suggest that interventions to prevent depression among African American adolescents, living in public housing developments, must not only focus on reducing neighborhood risk factors but also on enhancing the protective factors available to the youth.     

How Do Migrants Fare in a Post‐Apartheid South African Labor Market?1

South African policies have historically emphasized employment as the reason for immigration. In post‐apartheid South Africa, stories about how “immigrants take away our jobs” abound in the mass media, yet few empirical studies have been undertaken to examine the validity of this claim. This study looks at the relationship between migration status, nativity and labor force outcomes in the post‐apartheid labor market. Our results suggest that migrants are more likely to participate in the labor force and to be gainfully employed than the indigenous population. Foreign migrants enjoy the highest labor force participation rates and employment rates in South Africa. South African‐born internal migrants also have significantly higher labor force outcomes than do nonmigrants.     

基于美国经验的上海市公共租赁房发展对策

在美国住房保障政策从单一政府投入到多元化社会资金参与、从直接供应到间接住房租金补贴的演变过程中,以下经验值得借鉴：采用利息补贴、税制优惠等政策吸引社会力量提供租赁房;通过多种措施有效解决公共住房＂种族隔离＂和＂贫民窟＂等社会问题,提高社会效率;政府在住房保障方式的调整中不断强化市场的作用。当前上海市的公共租赁房政策类似于美国早期的公共住房政策,即以政府为主导建设低收入家庭租赁房。从长期来看,美国公共住房政策的经验教训表明,单一以政府为主导建设公共住房是不可持续的,公共租赁房应建立市场化的运作机制,广泛发动社会力量参与。     

Belonging in the land down under: Black Africans in Australia

Black African migrants have recently become a visible presence in Australia. Many arrived through the humanitarian resettlement programme, but far greater numbers come through the “skilled stream”. This paper explores recent research into these populations to tease out how material, social and existential elements of settlement intersect with belonging. As a heuristic, it uses Ager and Strang's ten markers and means of integration: material aspects (employment, housing, education and health); social connections internally and externally; facilitators (language, cultural knowledge, safety, stability); and rights and citizenship. A range of challenges to positive settlement and integration are identified, using these domains. However, Australian research has focused almost exclusively on African migrants of refugee background, with most sampling South Sudanese, making generalization impossible, even dangerous. The urgent need for research using wider samples, and more large-scale quantitative work, is called for and a range of policy recommendations suggested.     

Implanting racial ideology: Bus apartheid in Cape Town

Cape Town's buses were the last in South Africa to be segregated forcibly on racial lines. Bus apartheid was not imposed overnight however. In the hostile environment of the late 1950s, it was enforced by degrees only. Organised resistance waned gradually and was deflected. A new norm of bus travel was allowed to take root and social cleavages became accentuated. With a foot in the door, apartheid did its own work and was rewarded by a remarkable surge of white opinion in favour of even more thorough racialism as from the late 1960s. Slow racial desegregation of buses a decade later owed little, if anything, to pressure from individual Capetonians who by then were firmly under the apartheid spell.     

Jonny Steinberg’s The Number and prison life writing in post‐apartheid South Africa

Under apartheid, the prison autobiography enjoyed a privileged status, with the prison playing the role of the apartheid state in miniature: the penitentiary was one of the most coercive material manifestations of a racist and brutal regime. With the demise of apartheid, however, the prison autobiography has become a marginalised and depoliticised genre. The loss of status of the prison autobiography is paralleled by the endemic neglect of the penitentiary system, despite its important role in South African history. A close reading of the tropes and rhetoric of apartheid‐era prison writing can provide some explanation for the abrupt marginalisation of the penitentiary as a socially important space after 1994: in particular, the line that is drawn between criminal convicts and political prisoners in apartheid‐era prison autobiographies anticipates the neglect of the penitentiary under democracy. One exceptional post‐apartheid reflection on life in prison, Jonny Steinberg’s The Number, stands out both for asking subtle questions about the ideological boundary between the political and the criminal prisoner and for the way it perpetuates the tradition, forged under apartheid, of using the prison as a site for radical social analysis and criticism.     

The Mafeje and the UCT saga: unfinished business?

This article focuses on the thorny and vexed relationship between Archie Mafeje, a black South African scholar and the University of Cape Town. Mafeje was appointed on merit in 1968 as Senior Lecturer in Social Anthropology at the University of Cape Town. His appointment was rescinded by the University Council acting under pressure from the apartheid state. With the imminent demise of apartheid, Mafeje re-applied in the early 1990s for a position at the University of Cape Town in the early 1990s. His application was turned down. This piece offers a detailed reading and analysis of what became known as the “Mafeje affair” and raises issues about the meaning of transformation at the University of Cape Town.     

The Mfecane as Teaching Aid: History, Politics and Pedagogy in Southern Africa1

Abstract The mfecane refers to the wars and migrations which took place in southern Africa between the 1810s and 1840s. Historians have long debated its causes, as well as drawn radically different conclusions from it about the "nature" of Africans. Most controversially, it has been used to reify African "tribalism" and justify apartheid. The present process of democratization in the region has renewed controversy as ethnic groups use versions of mfecane history to back special claims. From a teaching perspective, I sketch the relationship between the rival historiographies and the changing political context. I also argue that the present mfecane debates are a rich teaching resource which can facilitate discussion of a number of key historiographical and pedagogical issues. These include the use or abuse of sources, the effects of race and gender socialization on the production of historical knowledge, and the responsibilities of historians in contexts of political violence and social injustice.     

In Circle: A Healthy Relationship,Domestic Violence,and HIV Intervention for African American Couples

While marriage and healthy relationship education has grown, limited interventions have been developed specifically to support the development and flourishing of African American couples. African Americans are also disproportionately impacted by HIV/AIDS and are more likely to experience lethality and serious injury due to domestic violence compared to Whites. Despite this, African American couples have been resilient and managed to thrive in relationships. Little has been done to capture these strategies, build on cultural strengths, and design an intervention specifically crafted for this population. This article describes an intervention “In Circle” developed, implemented, and evaluated for African American couples to support healthy relationship and healthy marriage education. The intervention is based on an Ancient Egyptian value system and undergirded by three integrated theoretical perspectives. The article also includes implications for practice and research.     

Untangling Inequalities: Gender,Race, and Socioeconomic Differences in Depression1

In their important paper, Link and Phelan (1995) argue that socioeconomic status is a fundamental cause of variation in well‐being and that the social resources associated with socioeconomic status constitute the fundamental cause of variation in well‐being. In this article, I elaborate on the fundamental cause perspective in three respects: by suggesting an expansion of the definition of resources, by examining how race and gender influence variation in the relationship between resources and mental health, and by developing a model of the relationship between social class, race, and gender that takes account of the potential asymmetry in the influence of resources across race and gender. Using the 2003 National Health Interview Survey and ordinary least squares regression, I find that black and white men are significantly less depressed than black and white women. However, women accrue greater mental health advantage from marriage, home ownership, and education. African‐American men experience less depression as a result of being unmarried and non‐Hispanic white women experience less benefit from full‐time employment, relative to African‐American women and men. Results are discussed in terms of implications for future research on race, class, and gender differences in health.     

从农民工进城住房入手改革户籍制度

现阶段城市户籍实际代表了三项公共服务:以城市最低生活保障为主的社会救助服务,以经济适用房和廉租房实物或租金补贴为主的政府补贴性住房安排,以及迁移人口子女在城市公立学校平等就学的机会。户籍制度改革的关键,就在于如何通过有效的政策改革方案,为外来人口提供可支付的住房,以及为其子女教育建立有效的融资机制,从而使外来务工人员主要是农民工可以在城市定居下来。土地制度改革可以作为突破口,通过城中村政府和村民有效的公私合作,充分利用市场机制为外来人口提供可支付住房,辅以相关财税体制改革,同时可以有效解决外来务工人员子女的教育问题。在通过土地制度改革和相关财税体制改革有效解决了外来人口住房问题和子女教育问题后,户籍制度改革也就完成了实质性突破。     

W. H. Hutt and The economics of the colour bar

Conclusion Long before the international climate of opinion made South Africa’s system of legalized racial discrimination untenable, it was under attack from within. A tiny part of that struggle was waged on moral grounds by decent South Africans both white and nonwhite. The much larger part of the war was waged not on moral grounds but on the economic battlefield where the stakes were profit and losses. As W. H. Hutt so aptly points out, the major disadvantages of apartheid were borne by South Africa’s nonwhite population, but the disadvantage was shared by whites as well. As such it produced widespread tensions leading to resistance, evasion, contravention, and modi-fication of apartheid law. Often evasion and contravention of apartheid law was led by the very people who shared the ideology of white supremacy. The final abolition of apartheid law may indeed reflect a change in heart by South African whites but the coup de grace was, as Hutt put it, the liberating forces “released by what is variously called the ‘free market system,’ the ‘capitalist system,’ or the ‘profit system.’”