Legislators of the world

In ‘The Defence of Poetry’ 1821, Shelley claimedthat ‘poets are the unacknowledged legislators of theworld’. This has been taken to suggest that simply byvirtue of composing verse, they exert some exemplary moral power,in a vague unthreatening way. In fact, in his earlier politicalessay, ‘A Philosophic View of Reform’, he had writtenthat ‘Poets and philosophers are the unacknowledged’,etc. The philosophers, he was talking about, were revolutionary-minded:Thomas Paine, William Godwin, Voltaire and Mary Wollstonecraft. In addition, Shelley was, no mistake, out to change the legislationof his time. For him, there was no contradiction between poetry,political philosophy and active     

Campaign for education in democratic citizenship, Guadalajara, Mexico

Since the time of the Mexican Revolution that began in 1910(views on when it finished vary between 1917 and 1940) Mexicohad been ruled by the same, single political party, the PRI(the Partido Revolucionario Institucional, meaning the ‘InstitutionalRevolutionary Party’), until it finally lost a presidentialelection in 2000 to the right-wing Party of National Action,after seventy-one years in power. The PRI had stayed in powerthrough a mixture of ‘clientelism’, ‘populism’,‘corruption’ and the rigging of elections and helda tight control on the whole of Mexican society. In its effortsto bring about social change, from the 1990s onwards Mexicansociety began to concentrate its efforts on challenging thedominance held by the PRI at the national, federal level. Adebate on the ‘transition to democracy’ took offin both academic circles and social and civil organizationslooking for ways to create a new and different kind of relationshipbetween government and society. It was in that context that,as with many other civil organizations in Mexico, we in IMDEC¹considered how we might best open up more spaces for the cultureand practice of democracy and motivate citizens to activelycampaign on those issues impacting on their daily lives. Theissue, however, was how to engage this participation differently,in a more festive atmosphere, breaking with formal traditions,in such a way that people would feel better motivated to becomeinvolved in actively addressing the problems that surroundedthem. In this article, I want to share an experience, whichtook place between April and August 1994, before the local electionsof that year, based on a Campaign for Education in DemocraticCitizenship.     

The Phenomenon Of The Public Wife: An Exercise In Goffman's Impression Management*

Approaching the topic of American leader-image from the perspective of politics-as-theater (political communication as exchange of symbols), this paper examines a taken-for-granted visual symbol which a national political leader is invariably expected to present: a wife. Her contributions to her husband's “impression management” techniques (Goffman, 1959) are studied in Goffman's “defensive” categories of dramaturgical loyalty, dramaturgical discipline, and dramaturgical circumspection. This analysis suggests that the visible presence of a wife in public leadership rituals offers the public voter or viewer important reassurances or symbolic guarantees about her husband's “morality”—and, therefore, his appropriateness for public trust. She has become a necessary partof his public performance because of our everyday need for “cultural absolutes” (Furay, 1977) in the image of our leadership figures.     

Public Sector Management and the Democratic Ethos: A 5-Year Study of Key Relationships in Israel

This article deals with the nexus between bureaucracy and democracyin a management-oriented public sector. The article developsthe idea that public administration plays a major role in determiningcitizens’ political attitudes and behaviors. A theoreticalmodel is suggested to examine the relationship among citizens’perceptions of involvement and participation in administrativedecision making, perceived managerial quality, perceived publicsector performance, and democratic participatory behavior (i.e.,trust in administrative agencies, political participation, andcommunity involvement). A sample of 2,281 Israeli citizens providedinformation on the research variables over a 5-year period (2001–05).Findings reveal that citizens’ perceptions of involvementand participation in administrative decision making are positivelyrelated with perceived managerial quality but are not relatedwith perceived public sector performance. In addition, perceivedmanagerial quality is positively related with trust in administrativeagencies as well as with political participation and communityinvolvement. Finally, public sector performance is a mediatorin this relationship. These findings lead to a discussion aboutthe linkage between the bureaucratic and the democratic ethosin modern managerial governance, theoretical and practical implications,as well as suggestions for future studies.     

Proceedings of the Fifty-Ninth Annual Conference of the American Association for Public Opinion Research

The American Association for Public Opinion Research (AAPOR)focused on "The Image of Public Opinion Research" as a record-breaking846 researchers gathered May 13–16, 2004 at its fifty-ninthannual conference at the Pointe Hilton Tapatio Cliffs Resortin Phoenix, Arizona. The conference, held in conjunction withthe World Association for Public Opinion Research’s conference,centered on "The Image of Public Opinion Research," and helpedthe AAPOR Executive Council kick off a campaign to examine whatmany perceive to be an increasingly negative image of public     

Political Polling and the New Media Culture: A Case of More Being Less

Changes in journalism—including newsroom cutbacks, anemphasis on repackaging secondhand material, and the demandsof 24-hour news—have expanded the reliance on polls asnews, including polls of a sort once considered not reliablefor publication, and led to a more superficial understandingof the 2004 presidential race. The proliferation of outletsoffering news, which has resulted in greater competition foraudience, has also intensified the motivation of using pollsin part for their marketing value rather than purely their probativejournalistic value. The more "synthetic" style of contemporaryjournalism has increased the tendency to allow polls to createa context for journalists to explain and organize other news—becomingthe lens through which reporters see and order a more interpretativenews environment. A greater dependence on horse race trackingpolls by the media has reinforced these tendencies and furtherthinned the public’s understanding toward who won andaway from why. Growing audience skepticism and political polarizationhave created an environment of distrust about the methodologyand integrity of polling. All of these factors, in turn, arefrustrating the efforts of academic and commercial pollstersto maintain standards and deepen understanding among journalistsabout public opinion research and how to use it as journalism.     

A Different Take on the Deliberative Poll: Information, Deliberation, and Attitude Constraint

Opinion pollsters, political scientists, and democratic theoristshave long been concerned with the normative and methodologicalimplications of nonattitudes (Converse 1964). Of the proposedremedies to the weak and labile attitudinal responses profferedby an uninformed and disinterested public, perhaps the mostambitious to date has been Fishkin’s concept of the deliberativepoll (Fishkin 1991, 1995, 1997). Combining probability samplingwith information intervention and increased deliberation affordsa unique insight into what might be considered the true "voiceof the people." Yet, while deliberative polling draws heavilyon the general notion of political sophistication (Luskin 1987),empirical analyses have tended to focus almost entirely on howthe process of deliberation impacts on marginal totals of attitudeitems at both the individual and aggregate level (Fishkin 1997;Luskin, Fishkin, and Jowell 2002; Sturgis 2003). Little attention,in contrast, has been paid to outcomes that relate to otherdimensions of opinion quality, such as attitude constraint.Constraint refers to the level of consistency between attitudeswithin an individual belief system that arises from a combinationof logical, social, and psychological factors (Converse 1964).In this article we analyze data from five deliberative pollsconducted in the United Kingdom in the 1990s in order to investigatethe impact of political information and deliberation on attitudeconstraint. Across a broad range of issue areas we evaluatethe extent to which the deliberative process impacts on statisticalassociations among attitude items between the first and subsequentwaves of the polls. We conclude by discussing the implicationsof our results for the validity and reliability of survey measuresof the attitude and the broader utility of the deliberativepolling method as a tool of social scientific inquiry.     

The Compassion Strategy: Race and the Gender Gap in Campaign 2000

Recent studies have shown that social "compassion" issues, andnot those directly linked to women’s interests, seem todrive the gender gap in presidential vote choice. Some of thesecompassion issues are associated with the plight of racial minoritiesin the media and in the minds of average citizens. Drawing ontheories of gender role socialization, we predict that traditionalpartisan stands on racial issues may help to explain the gendergap. Specifically, we hypothesize that the gap emerges becausemen and women react differently to cues about how compassionatecandidates are toward vulnerable social groups. In one experiment,we manipulate news information regarding George W. Bush’scommitment to blacks versus women. The gender gap is maximizedwhen Bush takes the traditional Republican stance, while itis reduced significantly when Bush espouses a more moderateposition. The gender gap is unaffected by variation in the positionthat Bush takes on women’s issues. In another experiment,we also find that the gender gap emerges when traditional partisanappeals are racialized. Finally, exposure to the 2000 RepublicanNational Convention, with its message of racial inclusion, boostedevaluations of Bush among women but not men.     

ETHNIC,FAMILY, AND SOCIAL CONTEXTUAL INFLUENCES ON ASIAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENTS' RELIGIOSITY

In recent years, a number of excellent ethnographic and qualitative studies have signaled a growing interest among scientists in immigrants and their religious practices. Few large-scale studies, however, have examined the religious practices and family religious context of Asian immigrant adolescents. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, a large nationally representative survey, we explore the important associations between ethnic and family contexts and Asian American adolescents' religiosity. Specifically, we find that first generation Asian American adolescents report higher levels of public and private aspects of religiosity than their native-born counterparts; Filipino and Korean immigrant adolescents report higher religiosity than Chinese immigrant children; however, the most important factor influencing Asian immigrant children's religiosity is their parent's religious practices and the concordance between parent and adolescent's religious affiliations. Protestant Asian adolescents who are also from a Protestant family report higher religiosity than Buddhist or Catholic adolescents who are from a Buddhist or Catholic family. Implications of these patterns for the intergenerational transmission of religious faith and other aspects of immigrant religious practices are discussed.     

Carefair : Choice, Duty, and the Distribution of Care

Men’s care patterns are relatively inelastic despite dramaticshifts in women’s labor force participation. The articlerecommends a caregiving analogue to workfare that would usepolicy more aggressively to influence men’s choices betweenemployment and care. The "carefair" concept is defended by invokingtwo arguments for enforcing work duties common in liberal regimes:the moral hazard argument and the new paternalist competenceargument. The logics explicit in these arguments resonate substantiallywith theorists and practitioners in the liberal cultural milieuand can be appropriated to justify state intervention that wouldchallenge both patriarchal socialization patterns and economicincentives.     

Voters and Values in the 2004 Election

A poorly devised exit poll question undermined meaningful analysisof voters’ concerns in the 2004 presidential election.Twenty-two percent of voters picked "moral values" from a listof "issues" describing what mattered most in their vote, morethan selected any other item. Various commentators have misinterpretedthis single data point to conclude that moral values are anascendant political issue and to credit conservative Christiangroups with turning George W. Bush’s popular vote defeatin 2000 into his three million–vote margin of victoryin 2004. We suggest, rather, that while morals and values arecritical in informing political judgments, they represent personalcharacteristics and ill-defined policy preferences far morethan any discrete political issue. First by conflating moralsand values and then by further conflating characteristics andissues, the exit poll’s "issues" list distorted our understandingof the 2004 election. In this article, we examine the flawsin the 2004 National Election Pool exit poll’s "most importantissue" question and explore the presumed rising electoral importanceof moral values and the conservative Christians who overwhelminglyselected this item. Using national exit poll data from 1980through 2004 and other national surveys, we find that the moralvalues item on the issues list cannot properly be viewed asa discrete issue or set of closely related issues; that itsimportance to voters has not grown over time; and that whencontrolled for other variables, it ranks low on the issues listin predicting 2004 vote choices. The aggregated exit poll dataalso show that the voting behavior of conservative Christiansis relatively stable over time, and these voters were not primarilyresponsible for Bush’s improvement in 2004 over 2000.     

Robert M. Teeter, 1939-2004

Robert M. "Bob" Teeter—political pollster, key strategistin the campaigns of every Republican president from 1968 to1992, co-director with Peter Hart of the Wall Street Journal/NBCPoll, board member and consultant to major corporations—diedof cancer at his home in Ann Arbor, Michigan, on June 13. Hewas 65. "Teeter’s work with Hart evoked respect on both sidesof the political aisle," said Tim Russert, NBC News’sWashington bureau chief and host of Meet the Press. "You could always take Bob Teeter’s     

Social Conservatism, New Republicans, and the 1980 Election

Using data from the 1980 National Election Study, we examinethe claims (1) that those voters who shifted to Ronald Reaganin 1980 ("New Republicans") were drawn disproportionately fromthe lower to middle strata of the population: (2) that theywere social conservatives motivated by issues like abortionand ERA: and (3) that they were more religious and alienatedfrom the federal government than average. Our results stronglysuggest that all of these assertions are false and thus questionthe emergence of a "neopopulist" or "Middle American Radical"political constituency on the right wing of American politics.Our findings also have implications for prominent theories aboutconservative political movements and about the changing natureof party politics in a postindustrial society.     

WHY THEY LIKED IKE: Tradition, Crisis, and Heroic Leadership

Much is known about Dwight Eisenhower's accomplishments as wartime general and postwar president; however, little is known about the reasons for his extraordinary popularity. Drawing from opinion polls, popular media, and related sources this article shows how Eisenhower's achievements and public conduct resonated with the concerns and values of his generation. "Symbolic leadership" theory and the "action theory" of heroic leadership frame this twofold articulation of Eisenhower's midcentury image, but we place it in a broader perspective centered on tradition, crisis, and generational change. We thus explain not only why Eisenhower's reputation was so strong during the postwar years but also why it declined so sharply after his death, even while other American leaders' reputations remained intact.     

Elite Revisionists and Popular Beliefs: Christopher Columbus, Hero or Villain?

According to revisionist historians and American Indian activists,Christopher Columbus deserves condemnation for having broughtslavery, disease, and death to America’s indigenous peoples.We ask whether the general public’s beliefs about Columbusshow signs of reflecting these critical accounts, which increasedmarkedly as the 1992 Quincentenary approached. Our nationalsurveys, using several different question wordings, indicatethat most Americans continue to admire Columbus because, astradition puts it, "he discovered America," though only a smallnumber of mainly older respondents speak of him in the heroicterms common in earlier years. At the same time, the percentageof Americans who reject traditional beliefs about Columbus isalso small and is divided between those who simply acknowledgethe priority of Indians as the "First Americans" and those whogo further to view Columbus as a villain. The latter group ofrespondents, we find, show a critical stance toward modal Americanbeliefs much more broadly. We also analyze American history school textbooks for evidenceof influence from revisionist writings, and we consider representationsof Columbus in the mass media as well. Revisionist history canbe seen as one consequence of the "minority rights revolution"that began after World War II and has achieved considerablesuccess, but the endurance of Columbus’s reputation—toa considerable extent even among the minorities who have theleast reason to respect him—raises important questionsabout the inertia of tradition, the politics of collective memory,and the difference between elite and popular beliefs.     

Private Polls and Presidential Policymaking: Reagan as a Facilitator of Change

Did the Reagan administration disregard majority will when craftingits policy initiatives? Did it cater to a narrow partisan constituencyinstead? The answers to these questions will help with an assessmentof Jacobs and Shapiro’s (2000b) hypothesis that presidentssince the late 1970s have used private White House survey researchas a tool to manipulate or assuage centrist public opinion whilemeeting the policy demands of their partisan core supporters,resulting in a decline in presidential responsiveness to majoritywill. Using the actual surveys administered by Richard Wirthlin(Reagan’s pollster) between 1981 and 1983, this articlewill demonstrate the level of consistency between majority opinionon 129 policy issues and Reagan’s behavior through 1984,and it will explore the conditions under which the presidentwas more or less likely to respond to public preferences. Thedata reveal that the Reagan administration was constrained bythe popular will in predicable ways: if the policy issues wereabout domestic concerns, highly popular, and visible in themedia, then the administration acted in line with public preferencesmore than 70 percent of the time. Further, Reagan and his adviserswere selective in responding to party activists: they championedissues drawn from their conservative ideological agenda thatfit with the current tide in public opinion, while sidesteppingother issues dear to party activists that encountered strongmajority resistance. While I do not contest Jacobs and Shapiro’s(2000b) important observation that presidents often use surveyresearch to "craft talk" in an attempt to channel the publicdebate, the evidence here highlights how the president nonethelessremains constrained by the popular will, at least on domesticissues.     

Bankrupt Rhetoric: How Misleading Information Affects Knowledge about Social Security

Most citizens know little about politics. Scholars often attributepolitical ignorance to individual-level factors, but we concentrateon the quality of the information environment. Employing a combinationof experimental methods and content analysis, we code statementsfrom the 1998–99 debate over Social Security reform aseither misleading or not misleading. Then, using surveys conductedduring the debate, we examine the impact of individual- andenvironmental-level variables on political knowledge about theprogram’s future. We show that misleading statements aboutSocial Security’s future cause some citizens to get animportant fact about the program wrong. More precisely, manycitizens mistakenly believe that Social Security will run outof money because political elites occasionally use words thatlead to overly pessimistic assessments of the program’sfinancial future. Our findings have important implications forpolicymakers who are attempting to remake America’s largestfederal program, scholars who study citizen competence, andcitizens in a representative democracy.     

Ideology and the Affective Structure of Whites' Racial Perceptions

The present study tests the hypothesis that deviations from"affective bipolarity" in the relationship between the positiveand negative dimensions of whites’ stereotypes of blacks—suchas racial ambivalence—should be stronger among conservatives.Across two different data sets (the 2000 National Election Studyand the 1991 National Race and Politics Study) and three differentmethodologies (heteroskedastic regression, confirmatory factoranalysis, and a regression analysis of attitude-ambivalencescores), this hypothesis was supported. Further analyses indicatedthat the relationship between conservatism and ambivalent perceptionsof blacks was mediated by conflict between humanitarian andindividualistic concerns in the racial context, but not in theabstract.