“一带一路”与口头史诗的流布和传播——论中国-吉尔吉斯斯坦《玛纳斯》史诗传统及其互动交流

《玛纳斯》及其口头演唱传统从19世纪以来就成为我国与中亚地区民间文化交流的重要内容,我国和中亚地区的这种口头演唱传统彼此推动和促进,绵延不断,其间史诗传承人群体玛纳斯奇发挥了不可替代的纽带作用。近年来,随着"玛纳斯学"逐步成为一门国际显学,中国与吉尔吉斯斯坦两国的学术交流更是呈现出繁荣发展的局面,使口头史诗传统的传播和互动成为丝绸之路文化交流的典范。本文试图对此文化现象作一系统的梳理和分析,以呈现跨国民间文化交流的历史脉络和发展特征,为当前正在不断推向深入的"一带一路"倡议和丰富文明交流互鉴的讨论,提供一种可资借鉴的路径。     

破解说唱艺人的记忆之谜

《玛纳斯》是一部口承史诗，通过史诗演唱者的演唱活动，《玛纳斯》才得以历经数百年，流传至今。演唱史诗的民间艺人被称作“玛纳斯奇”，在史诗《玛纳斯》的传承与传播中做出了卓著的贡献。史诗《玛纳斯》的传承大致可分为家传与师承两种方式。家传在《玛纳斯》的传承中占有相当重要的地位。吉尔吉斯斯坦有位名叫加额拜·考捷克的玛纳斯奇，据说他的七代祖先都是玛纳斯奇，世代相传，他是家族的第八代玛纳斯奇了。居素甫·玛玛依演唱史诗的本领也得益于家传。我国另一位著名的大玛纳斯奇艾什玛特·买买提从小得到家传，他父亲买买提是一位…     

20世纪中国新疆阿合奇县玛纳斯奇群体的田野调查分析报告

新疆阿合奇县是我国柯尔克孜族著名史诗《玛纳斯》的重要流传地区之一。由于特殊的地理环境和丰富的民间口头文化蕴藏,自古以来这里就成为柯尔克孜族民间口头文学的宝库,20世纪内涌现出了世界闻名的《玛纳斯》演唱大师居素普.玛玛依以及其他数十位《玛纳斯》史诗歌手。对这样一个特殊地区开展全面的田野调查,在大量第一手资料基础上进行深入分析和研究,对研究和总结《玛纳斯》传承、发展规律,进而对其进行保护,具有重要作用。     

亚瑟·哈图与《玛纳斯》史诗的英译

亚瑟·哈图是《玛纳斯》史诗学术史上的关键人物,是第一个将乔坎·瓦利汗诺夫和拉德洛夫搜集记录的《玛纳斯》史诗译介到英语世界的学者,为《玛纳斯》史诗学向西方学术界的延展搭建了一座桥梁。哈图一方面在译文中附有拉丁转写,使英语读者能感受《玛纳斯》史诗的口语特征;另一方面,还完成了大量的注疏性工作,对史诗文本背后的民族文化知识和相关的学术信息进行了梳理汇总,使读者对19世纪柯尔克孜族的史诗传统有全面的认识,也为后来的《玛纳斯》史诗研究者提供了详实的参考材料。     

《玛纳斯》的当代传承与史诗演述传统的发展走向

随着社会经济的迅速发展和信息技术对民众生活世界的逐步渗透,许多少数民族口头传统及其代际传承正在发生复杂而深刻的变迁。虽然新疆柯尔克孜族的口头传统在一定程度上依然保有强韧的生命力,但以《玛纳斯》为代表的活形态史诗演述出现了复杂的发展走向。本文以近年来的田野调查材料为依据,关注从传承人群体数量的骤减到年轻一代习艺从师的动机选择,从"玛纳斯奇"的非职业化到老龄化,从口头叙事资源的萎缩到印刷文本的背诵,从演述技艺的退化到史诗韵体叙事的故事化等方面的内容,尝试对当下柯尔克孜族史诗的存续力量及其显见的式微趋势加以探讨。     

《格萨尔》史诗的当代传承及其文化表现形式的多样性

在当代语境下,传唱千年的《格萨尔》史诗及其传承正在发生着各种各样的变化。除了民间艺人的口头说唱和各种版本的书面文本并存外,还有格萨尔藏戏、格萨尔唐卡、格萨尔音乐、格萨尔石刻、格萨尔"朵日玛"、格萨尔漫画、格萨尔彩塑酥油花等等。在藏族民间,《格萨尔》史诗的传播几乎影响了各种艺术门类。本文试图对《格萨尔》史诗的当代传承及其文化表现形式的多样性特征进行探讨和分析。从口头传说到书面文本再到传承形式的多样化,这不仅是选择、判断和再创造民族民间文化资源的结果,也传承了史诗蕴含的民间文化精神。当代语境下的史诗传承,也伴生着一种文化焦虑。现代性往往导致对经典的疏离和迷失,所以在纷繁复杂的形式与内容之间淘洗锤炼、重铸经典,已经成为史诗研究面临的新课题。     

“活着的荷马”居素普·玛玛依

·像居素普·玛玛依这样能够完整地演唱八部《玛纳斯》的史诗演唱大师，在世界上是唯一的一位· 《玛纳斯》是中国著名的三大史诗之一，它广泛流传于柯尔克孜民众之中，是一部口耳相传的口承史诗。这部史诗描写了英雄玛纳斯及其七代子孙抗击入侵之敌的英勇事迹，每部史诗描写玛纳斯家族一位英雄的事迹。史诗《玛纳斯》有狭义与广义之分：狭义的《玛纳斯》是指史诗的第一部《玛纳斯》，此部主要描写英雄玛纳斯的英雄业绩；广义的《玛纳斯》是指包括第一部《玛纳斯》、第二部《赛麦台依》、第三部《赛依铁克》、第四部《凯涅尼木》、第五部《…     

柯尔克孜族英雄史诗《玛纳斯》

史诗《玛纳斯》,是新疆柯尔克孜族民间文学的一部重要代表作。它千百年来,在柯族人民中间,由专门演唱《玛纳斯》的民间歌手——“玛纳斯奇”靠着口头演唱,一代一代流传,并在流传中不断丰富、不断再创作,成为今天的规模宏伟、色彩瑰丽的英雄史诗。它深受柯族人民的喜爱。人们虽然不止一次、十次、百次地听唱,每当节日或劳动之余,还是要邀请“玛纳斯奇”来演     

《格萨尔》史诗的口头传统接受问题

长期以来,藏族文学研究的对象都以书面文学为主,但书面文学并非藏族社会历史发展中文艺接受的主要形式。以听觉和视觉为主要传播载体的口头文艺传统才是广大藏族民众进行文艺创作、传播和接受的主要方式,其代表作为《格萨尔》史诗。《格萨尔》史诗的口头传统接受关系是双向的,既有古典学与口头诗学理论中业已论述的文艺接受过程,又存在不同类型受众的前理解构建出的史诗的多重身份。以《格萨尔》史诗为代表的中国口头传统研究足以参与口头诗学理论的构建。     

论《<玛纳斯>专题讲座》课堂教学中的若干思考

少数民族三大史诗是我国民间文学宝库中的宝贵瑰宝。柯尔克孜族《玛纳斯》是其中一部英雄史诗,与《格萨尔王传》《江格尔》一并称为"三大英雄史诗"。《玛纳斯》专题讲座是一门本科全校性选修课,《玛纳斯》教学是在传承和弘扬中华优秀传统文化过程中的一个普及性教育。我们从课堂实践出发就其课堂教学的一些具体教学法和教学方式进行了针对化的设计,提出了教育教学改革思路。     

布洛陀经诗文本与母题浅析

本文以布洛陀文化为背景,试图在田野考察的基础上重新深入布洛陀经诗的文本内容与演唱情境,依据经诗祈求福祉、禳解冤怪的两大功能,探索其中涵盖的创世史诗、早期英雄史诗等史诗细类,并发掘其中的英雄史诗母题及其文化内涵,阐释壮族文化特质,阐述笔者眼中的经诗发展现状。     

《格萨尔》说唱艺人斯达多吉

在《格萨尔》学领域研究说唱艺人是重要的课题。世界绝大多数著名史诗已成固定文本,没有传唱艺人,而藏族史诗《格萨尔》仍以活的形态被艺人传唱,这一切应归功于神奇的说唱艺人。因此,挖掘、发现、调查和研究说唱艺人是抢救、整理《格萨尔》的重要环节。作者通过实地考察、探访艺人,首次研究《格萨尔》少年说唱艺人斯达多吉,并分析该艺人的说唱特点等。     

玉树地震灾区口传文献遗产整理研究述略

口传文献,系民间文化的活宝库、活化石,更是活着的历史记忆,对民族学和语言学为首的学科研究具有无法代替的历史和现实价值。＂4·14＂地震给玉树口传文献及传承人造成了重大损失。基于以上情况,本文从以往玉树民间文学、民间歌舞、英雄史诗三个方面的整理研究加以综述的同时,也对灾后重建中特别需要关注的问题提出了＂加大申报名录,争取项目经费,有效保护利用＂的建议。     

论黑格尔的史诗观——以藏族英雄史诗《格萨尔》为例

黑格尔的史诗观明显带有辩证法思想,否定中包含着肯定,不是全面彻底的否定,而是包含肯定因素在内的否定,否定的结果也不是消失为空无,而是有新的内容、新的形式出现。比如黑格尔否定了雏形史诗的不完备性,但也肯定了它们具有客观性和实事求是的史诗性质;否定了特殊史诗或浪漫史诗的主观性,但也肯定了它们的史诗领域。在藏族史诗《格萨尔》中也蕴含着这样的辩证思维。     

关于歌唱艺术的几个问题

歌唱者不仅要有良好的声音素质,还需要学习正确的歌唱方法,掌握适合自己嗓音条件的歌唱技术和适合自己实际情况的歌唱训练,这样的歌唱训练是对歌唱乐器的制作、调理和再整顿的过程。只有经过良好的歌唱训练,才能灵活自如地运用歌唱乐器,使之更适合歌唱艺术表现的需要,发挥歌唱的艺术表现力。就歌唱乐器的使用而言,歌唱技巧是获得歌唱艺术表现力的必要手段,歌唱者必须重视技术的磨练,以求得艺术的完美。     

《格萨尔王传》中生态伦理传统的现代阐释

青藏高原独特的生态环境孕育了藏族先民丰富的生态伦理传统,并以英雄史诗《格萨尔王传》体现出来。通过研究史诗所蕴涵的生态伦理传统,有助于提高现代人的生态意识,这对解决人类所面临的生态危机具有重要的现实意义。     

阿尔泰乌梁海部族史诗濒危的考察

本文基于学者们以往的田野调查资料以及笔者的田野调查,梳理了阿尔泰乌梁海部族史诗演唱传统的历史变迁,并从史诗演唱传统的文化空间背景、艺人和听众等五个方面分析、研究了使阿尔泰乌梁海部族史诗走向衰微的具体原因,得出阿尔泰乌梁海部族史诗传统虽然还没有完全消失,但正处于消亡的危境中。     

贵州彝族传统情歌（曲谷）的音乐特色

Being one of the most ancient eth-nic groups in China, the ‘Yi’ have a long history and an abundant culture. Yi folk songs, which are widely sung in many regions of China, have vari-ous forms and styles. These folk songs reflect the lengthy history of the Yi society; indeed they ex-press the happiness and misery, the dreams and desires of the Yi people. Within this context, this article focuses on‘Qugu’ which is a unique type of music belonging to the Yi people. In fact most Yi people of Guizhou live in the Wumeng Mountains. In their quest for survival, over time the Yi had developed a series of natural worship rites which became one of the sources of their traditional mu-sic. In addition, Yi people formed a unique way to express their love: in times past they developed a tradition of singing in the mountains and forests as to convey their love to their beloved;the‘Qugu’ is one of these Yi’ s traditional love song genres.‘Qugu’ means ‘singing’ and this genre has its own social functioning. According to traditional Yi culture and habits, a ‘Qugu ’ should not be sung in front of parents, brothers, or other rela-tives;instead it should only be sung in a place sur-rounded by mountains and forests and on certain singing sites, called ‘Guji’(in Yi language). In most of the Yi settlements, such ‘singing sites ’ were placed far away from the villages, sometimes on flat areas and sometimes in the remote wilder-ness, in forests or caves. The singing activities on those special sites took place according to specific rules and calen-dars. During the so-called ‘singing festival’ peri-od ( from the 1 st to the 15 th day of the 1 st lunar month and on the 5th day of the 5th lunar month), the singing performances were particularly magnifi-cent. People of all ages, young and old, would gather together from all directions and would sing without interruption for several days. Moreover , the singing festival also had certain traditional rites ( ceremonies ) . For example, at the very beginning, certain clan elders or prestig-ious singers would offer wine and water to the‘heavens and earth ’ . After this offering, ‘the soul of the song’ was invited. The Yi people tradi-tionally worship nature and believe in animism, so indeed a ‘Qugu’ also has its own ‘soul’ . There-fore, when the singing festival would commence, they would invite the ‘soul of the song’ to come;this custom is called ‘Guyexi’ in the Yi language. The nextritual would be the ‘Guyidai ’ ( in Yi) , which means‘the settling down of the soul of the song’ at the particular singing site. There are lyrics like:‘If there is no settling down of the soul of the song, then when the next spring comes the sil-ver flowers will sever their roots, the golden flowers will sever their roots, and the singing sites cannot be set up ’ . After the settling down of the soul of the song, the next ceremony would be the ‘Gukoupu’ ( in Yi) or ‘opening of the mouth of the song ’:this basically means the ‘opening of the door of love’ and also indicates the formal beginning of‘Qugu’ activity. All of this shows indeed that the rite of‘Qugu’ is not as solemn as other rites, as in fact the lyrics of ‘Qugu ’ are mostly about love af-fairs and romance. When the‘Gukoupu’ ends, the young people can start to freely sing. There are indeed lyrics like: ‘Three young chaps brought three axes and went into three directions of the universe; they chopped three pine trees, sawed off three boards, made three chairs, and placed these facing three di-rections. They invited girls to take a seat; the girls sat down and sang. The girls invited the chaps to take a seat;the chaps sat down and sang’ . When this‘free singing’ begins, an ‘antiph-onal group singing’ starts at the singing site (‘Gu-ji ’ ); males and females take part in this and stand/sit separately as they all sing in antiphonal style. In the middle there is a ‘go-between ’ in charge of coordination, judging, and passing on information. The males and females sing and ob-serve back and forth. During this process, affec-tions may emerge between a certain male and fe-male. If indeed a guy or young lady takes a fancy to another person, he or she will ask the go-be-tween for help. If the counterpart gives a positive response, then the two will leave the group and go elsewhere to talk and sing. During this ‘antiphonal group-singing’ , each group can allow a certain ‘representative ’ to sing solo;this solo should not be a repeat of some song performed by someone from another group. The young males and females thus can each show off their voices by singing songs with free rhyme, sweet melodies, and serious or deep topics. It is easy to see that this ‘antiphonal group singing ’ provided a major means of romantic communication between young Yi men and women. In fact, the number of songs they could sing as well as the technique used in singing these significantly deter-mined one’ s ability to attract the opposite sex. As a consequence, both males and females were strongly committed to learn to sing, trying their best to master more and better songs. Through learning from their predecessors, they made an ef-fort to improve their singing abilities. As said, traditionally at the beginning of the singing festival, ‘the soul of the song’ would be invited; well, likewise at the end of the festival‘the soul of the song’ should be sent away again. The Yi people believed that if they would not send the soul of the song away, the young would be ob-sessed by affections all the time and even lose their minds. Finally, Guizhou Yi ’ s folk music-generally speaking-has a great variety in content, perform-ance locations, forms, and genres. Moreover, due to the regional differences music styles also vary geographically. All of this makes the multi-colored Yi music even more delightful and appealing. Unfortunately, the entire tradition ( ceremo-nies) of the‘Qugu’ as described above, no longer exists today. The singers who still know these pro-cedures are getting old and eventually will forget these rites. This is a big loss for the living tradition of the Yi culture, and it is a source of grief for those who study Yi culture, in China and abroad.     

藏族《格萨尔》外向传播原因初探

《格萨尔》是藏族人民集体创作的一部英雄史诗。本文就《格萨尔》史诗能在青藏高原及其周边地区和国家广泛传播的原因作了初步的探讨。