Mental Health Policy in Northern Ireland

Mental health policy in Northern Ireland has moved through a number of phases during the past seventy years. This article examines some of the developments during each of these phases in the context of political factors which had an effect on policy formation and implementation. The services which existed in 1921 were deeply rooted in the lunacy legislation and provision of nineteenth century Ireland. The political uncertainty and financial stringency, which characterized the following two decades, resulted in a situation of almost complete stagnation in those services. The contribution of Northern Ireland during the Second World War guaranteed a financial commitment by Britain to the building of a comprehensive health service in the post-war era. The expansion in mental health services was unprecedented. The relative stability of this era was shattered by the political “troubles” of the 1970s and the imposition of “direct rule” from Westminster. Though advantageous to health service development at first, this has now led to tighter central controls and the further loss of local autonomy. In policies dictated from Westminster, Area Boards moved towards a reduction in psychiatric beds to 1,500—the level of provision in 1870. History tells us that the needs of mentally ill people have not had a significant impact on services in the past. Will the future be any different?     

Policy Style and Governing without Consensus: Devolution and Education Policy in Northern Ireland

Devolved government was established in Northern Ireland in 1999 at the same time as Scotland and Wales with a varying range of powers, particularly over the major areas of social policy including education. Devolution in Northern Ireland was set up on the basis of statutory power‐sharing in the core executive with a number of mechanisms to promote involvement by all sections of the community through their political representatives. This marked a departure from the traditional majoritarian and hierarchical model of UK government. The operation of devolved government in Northern Ireland requires a consensus on major policy items requiring legislation. The main aim of the article is to assess whether or not there is a devolved policy style in Northern Ireland and to compare this policy style with the findings of similar analysis in Scotland and Wales. Consideration is then given to the impact of both the distinctive policy processes which reflect the consociational nature of the Good Friday Agreement and wider social, political and administrative factors. Decision‐making on education policy is a totally devolved function and thus serves as an important example of autonomous policy formulation and policy‐making. The three main topics of current policy debate in education are selected for analysis to determine the nature of the decision‐making process and the existence of a distinct devolved policy style.     

Children of the Troubles: The Impact of Political Violence in Northern Ireland

This article explores the effects of political violence on children and young people in Northern Ireland. The article begins with a brief historical account of the Northern Irish conflict and the recently negotiated Belfast Good Friday Agreement of 1998. This account illustrates, as is the case with many conflicts, its basis is religious, national, economic, and political, despite its frequent construction as a battle between Protestant and Roman Catholic. The article goes on to review young peoples' experience of conflict in Northern Ireland and the impact of conflict experiences on three related areas of young people's lives. These include the effects of the conflict on everyday aspects of life, social identity, and mental health .     

Social Work, Sectarianism and Anti-sectarian Practice in Northern Ireland

Correspondence to Dr Jim Campbell, Department of Social Work, The Queen's University of Belfast, 7 Lennoxvale, Belfast BT9 5BY, Northern Ireland. Jim Campbell lectures in the Department of Social Work, The Queen's University of Belfast. His doctoral thesis was on the concept of violence in social and political thought. His current research interests include social policy in Northern Ireland and mental health social work Summary This paper addresses a subject relatively unknown to the Britishand international social work audience—that of trainingfor anti-sectarian practice. In doing so, it points to someof the complex, even dangerous issues raised by such trainingfor social work students and practitioners in Northern Ireland.The paper comments upon the limited but significant ways inwhich social work educators and practitioners have tried tochallenge sectarian discrimination in Northern Ireland, andproposes methods in train ing and research which might facilitatea better understanding of these processes.     

New Policy Spaces: The Impact of Devolution on Third Sector Policy in the UK

The development of third sector policy in the UK since 1997 has seen changes which have been of significance both for analysts and practitioners. This period has seen government engagement with and support for the sector extend far beyond the levels found throughout much of the last century. This has led to a growth in the size and scale of the sector and a closer involvement of sector representatives in political debate and policy planning. These changes have taken place at the same time as third sector policy has been devolved to the new administrations in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. This article explores the impact of devolution on these policy developments and assesses the extent to which political devolution has led to policy divergence across the four countries in the UK. The conclusion is reached that policy devolution has created important new space for policy development for the third sector across the UK, but that the direction of travel in all four regimes has remained remarkably similar.     

Understanding and negotiating identity: Children from cross-community families in public care in Northern Ireland

In Northern Ireland, most research on the impact upon children of living through the ‘troubles’ and in a divided society has assumed that children are from either the Catholic or Protestant community. There has been very little research with children from cross‐community families who have one parent from a Catholic background and one from a Protestant background. It is known, however, that these children are over‐represented in the public care system in Northern Ireland. The study reported in this paper addresses this gap in knowledge by exploring the experiences and views of children from cross‐community families who are in public care in Northern Ireland. The study has key messages for the development of services for looked after children from cross‐community families, if these are to be delivered in accordance with legislative duties in Northern Ireland and in an anti‐sectarian manner.     

Truth,partial truth,and irreconcilable truths: Reflections on the prospects for truth recovery in Northern Ireland

The issues facing truth recovery work in Northern Ireland arise in the context of a peace process in which there has been no clear winner, where several key issues, such as policing and criminal justice remain unresolved, and where there is a lack of trust between the parties to the conflict. Yet there is a demand for processes that have the potential to uncover the truth about unresolved killings and disappearances. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission is often cited in Northern Ireland as a model for truth recovery processes, in spite of its shortcomings and the contextual differences between South Africa and Northern Ireland. While there remains a demand for truth about human rights violations and contested killings, the compromised nature of the Northern Ireland settlement and the culture of silence that prevails within Northern Ireland institutions are obstacles to the progress of truth recovery work there. Nor is Northern Ireland ready for the rewriting of its history, although some argue that truth recovery work could provide an important disincentive to those who would return to violence. The assumption that truth recovery is always a prerequisite for healing is challenged, and painful effects of truth processes in reopening the wounds of the past are pointed out. Yet the role of truth recovery in improving public awareness of the wrongs of the past, and in providing new opportunities for forgiveness and reconciliation is acknowledged. However, truth recovery can inadvertently reinforce a dis‐empowered and unhealthy “victim culture” and may also prejudice future judicial processes. The paper concludes by summarizing the recommendations for truth recovery in Northern Ireland of the Healing Through Remembering Project. They suggest that a range of mechanisms, including some community‐based self‐help processes, are the preferred paths for this work in Northern Ireland.     

Examining the influence of the European Convention on Human Rights in Northern Ireland courts

This article examines the influence of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) on the legal culture of litigants and judges in Northern Ireland. The results show that there has been a dramatic increase in the number of judicial review cases based upon the ECHR in the years immediately following implementation of the treaty through the Human Rights Act. However, while there has been an increase in the number of ECHR claims by litigants, judges in Northern Ireland have thus far been reluctant to issue declarations of incompatibility pursuant to the Human Rights Act. Furthermore, a multivariate analysis of the likelihood of Northern Irish judges to rule against the government shows that, controlling for other factors, judges are not more willing to rule against the government when the ECHR is invoked. Overall, it appears that the early influence of the ECHR on Northern Irish law has been greatest in the willingness of litigants to bring judicial review cases based upon the treaty—a development that may portend larger changes in UK jurisprudence in the future.     

The Development of Intergroup Forgiveness in Northern Ireland

As societies like Northern Ireland, Israel, and South Africa strive to resolve social conflict, there is growing theoretical and empirical interest in the role of intergroup forgiveness. This study examined intergroup forgiveness among 340 young adults in Northern Ireland. A short form of the Enright Forgiveness Inventory explored possible influences on propensity to forgive. All participants were Catholic and female (mean age 17.36 years), and had experienced verbal or physical injury or bereavement due to the Northern Irish political violence. Overall forgiveness levels were low in comparison with previous studies of interpersonal forgiveness but similar to previous studies of intergroup forgiveness in Northern Ireland. The strongest (negative) predictor of forgiveness was the perceived degree of hurt caused by the injury .     

Iranian consecration of Irish nationalist ‘martyrs’: the Islamic Republic of Iran and the 1981 republican prisoners’ hunger strike in Northern Ireland

This article focuses on the official and semi-official Iranian coverage and representation of the 1981 republican prisoners’ hunger strike in Northern Ireland and the related corporeal constructs of the hunger strikers as ‘martyred’ bodies. The particular characterization and utilization of Irish republican hunger strikers by media outlets, officials, and other propagandists of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) was an instance of groups outside Northern Ireland appropriating Irish nationalist bodies for their own ends. IRI commentators re-articulated the starving bodies of Irish republican hunger strikers, re-infusing them with symbolic meanings in a cross-cultural and ideologically laden configuration in the service of IRI’s self-projection as the patron of worldwide struggles for justice and liberation against the twin forces of imperialism and domestic opponents. In the process, IRI added its own layers of agency and politically crafted somatic meaning to the hunger strike. Meanwhile, IRI’s extensive advocacy of the republican hunger strike in Northern Ireland was eagerly welcomed by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA), to which most hunger strikers belonged; with PIRA and its political wing, Provisional Sinn Féin, hoping to secure diplomatic recognition, and possibly material aid, from the Iranian government for bolstering PIRA’s domestic and international standing vis-à-vis the British government.     

Varieties of marketisation in the UK: examining divergence in activation markets between Great Britain and Northern Ireland 2008–2014

This article examines the sub-national diversity in activation quasi-markets in the United Kingdom (UK). Through comparison of four active labour market programmes in Great Britain and Northern Ireland between 2008 and 2014, the article clarifies and maps intra-UK diversity in employment service governance and unpacks the shifting configurations of market structures in each jurisdiction to reveal a temporally and spatially distinct patterning of marketisation. Drawing on Gingrich's approach to analysis and classification of quasi-market variation, the article proposes that between 2008 and 2014, Great Britain rapidly evolved a provider-directed activation market. In contrast, the activation market structure in Northern Ireland, up to late 2014, is better characterised as state directed. A recent reconfiguration of the activation market in Northern Ireland does however indicate some (modified) convergence on Great Britain's approach. One common and consistent feature of the configuration of activation markets in each jurisdiction is the few powers given to direct users of employment services to shape contracted out provision.     

Postconflict Reconciliation: Intergroup Forgiveness and Implicit Biases in Northern Ireland

Even after a conflict has formally ended, there is still a need for postconflict reconciliation and the building of mutual forgiveness and trust between communities. This article addresses psychological processes crucial to moving beyond a history of violent sectarian conflict in Northern Ireland. We investigated the predictors of intergroup forgiveness, in terms of intergroup emotions, infrahumanization, empathy, and intergroup contact. Intergroup trust and measures of implicit intergroup bias were also explored in this area of real intergroup conflict. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for postconflict reconciliation in Northern Ireland and other conflict areas.     

Teachers' and Ppils' Educational Experiences and School-Based Responses to the Conflict in Northern Ireland

This article describes a study which examined (a) the impact of the political conflict on teachers' and ppils' experiences of education in Northern Ireland and (b) the impact of curricular-based interventions designed to support the ppils and reduce prejudice. The focus of the second part of the article is on the prejudice reduction initiatives identified. A total of 44 staff and 78 ppils spread across 8 schools participated and both teachers' and ppils' perspectives were identified, the latter being an extremely important dimension which has rarely been addressed in previous studies of this area. The findings, which highlight the complexity of the impact of the political conflict, are considered to have both practical and theoretical implications for prejudice reduction programs.

"Young people are asked to 'voice' their views not only because it is seen as beneficial to them personally, but because people believe they can learn from what they are saying."

                    — Hadfield and Hawe, 2001 , p. 94

     

Pensioners and the Minimum Income Guarantee: Observations from Recent Research

This article summarizes some of the data collected via the 1999/2000 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey. The absence of any counterpart in Northern Ireland to the British Family Resources Survey has resulted in a dearth of basic information on the financial and allied circumstances of pensioners in this part of the United Kingdom. The authors review the data obtained on levels and sources of income, health and receipt of core disability benefits and the extent of non-take-up of the Minimum Income Guarantee. The authors locate the data within the broader debate about the new directions of pension policy in the UK.     

The Integration of Health and Social Care: The Lessons from Northern Ireland

Mechanisms for the integration of social services with health have come to dominate the debate on providing a more seamless provision of health and social care. Working together at the health and social care interface has been strongly promoted and endorsed in government documents since the late 1990s. Moves towards integration have been treated with suspicion and scepticism in the academic literature, with many authors highlighting the many barriers and challenges presented by this method of working. Yet these proposals do not represent a paradigm shift in culture in all parts of the United Kingdom, as Northern Ireland has had an integrated health and social care system for over thirty years. Based on an empirical study of senior health care professionals in Northern Ireland, this study identifies and discusses the key issues associated with integration. It concludes that the experiences in Northern Ireland have to date been overlooked or misrepresented and could prove extremely valuable in gaining an understanding of the challenges and benefits of integrated arrangements.     

Social Work and Social Justice in Northern Ireland: Towards a New Occupational Space

Correspondence to: Dr John Pinkerton, School of Social Work, Queens University Belfast, 7 Lennoxvale, Belfast BT9 5BY, Northern Ireland. E-mail j.pinkerton{at}qub.ac.uk Summary This article considers the concept of social justice by referenceto the experience of social work in Northern Ireland duringthe past forty years of communal, paramilitary and state violence.It notes the contested nature of the concept and its chequeredhistory within the professional ideology of social work generallyand its absence as a significant explanatory and motivationalconcept for social workers in Northern Ireland to date. It arguesthat in the emerging post-conflict situation social work asa profession needs to operationalize a view of social justicethat acknowledges social and cultural diversity in order toredefine the profession itself and direct its relationship toboth the state and civil society.     

Relating outcomes to objectives in child protection

With the introduction of the Children (Northern Ireland) Order 1995, Health and Social Care Trusts in Northern Ireland have been engaged in a refocusing of children's services, shifting resources and interventions towards supporting families at an earlier stage in order to reduce the likelihood of crisis, breakdown or abuse at a later stage. Alongside this development the Government wishes to see a clearer link between the objectives of the child protection system and the outcomes for children and their families. This paper critiques the current system of performance management in the child protection system. Using data from a study exploring the characteristics and careers of children in the children protection system in Northern Ireland it is argued that the current measurements of performance are too basic and are designed principally to monitor the operation of the system rather than the impact of services and interventions on the lives of children and their families.     

The definition of social work in the United Kingdom, 2000–2010

Dickens J. The definition of social work in the United Kingdom, 2000–2010. This article reviews the approaches that the four countries of the United Kingdom – England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland – have taken in recent years for organising, regulating and defining social work. Social work is one of the policy areas that have been devolved to the constituent countries. This has brought extensive organisational changes, multiple policy initiatives and a proliferation of regulatory and advisory agencies. The article focuses on the attempts by these official bodies to define social work, treating the United Kingdom as a case study of the tensions of specifying what social work is and what it should be. The various attempts expose the strains and overlaps between the different agencies, and a bigger struggle to contain and control social work. The article highlights four key dimensions in the enduring debates: values–roles, social–individual, care–control and public–professional.     

Using critical social theory to develop a conceptual framework for comparative social work

This paper sets out a conceptual framework for comparing and contrasting social work within nation-states and across international boundaries. The framework is "situated" theoretically within a (late)modernist understanding of events within advanced capitalism and draws primarily on Habermas' critical social theory. The authors apply this framework to explicate the development of social work in Northern Ireland, a region in which high levels of political conflict mark it out as a site of local, national and international interest. It is suggested that the ideas developed from the case study have relevance for the social professions in other countries, particularly where social conflict is in evidence.     

Occupational Stress in Social Work

Correspondence to Faith Gibson, Senior Lecturer in Social Work, University of Ulster at Magee College, Londonderry, Co. Londonderry, Northern Ireland. Summary This article reports the results of a study of occupationalstress undertaken with a large sample of Northern Ireland fieldsocial workers, including both main grade practitioners andfirst line senior social work managers employed as team leaders.This study formed part of a wider interprofessional study ofsocial workers, nurses and teachers; publications for the lattertwo professions along with interprofessional comparisons arein preparation and this present article focuses on the socialworker cohort. The design and methods are described and demographic characteristicsof the social work sample are provided, with their views aboutsocial work. Stressors are identified in both professional andprivate lives. The effects of stress as manifested through theGeneral Health Questionnaire and the Maslach Burnout Inventoryare examined and the social workers' views on various stresscoping strategies are discussed.