Infants' Visual Recognition of Pincer Grip Emerges Between 9 and 12 Months of Age

The development of the ability to recognize the whole human body shape has long been investigated in infants, while less is known about their ability to recognize the shape of single body parts, and in particular their biomechanical constraints. This study aimed to explore whether 9‐ and 12‐month‐old infants have knowledge of a hand‐grasping movement (i.e., pincer grip), being able to recognize violations of the hand's anatomical constraints during the observation of that movement. Using a preferential looking paradigm, we showed that 12‐month‐olds discriminate between biomechanically possible and impossible pincer grips, preferring the former over the latter (Experiment 1). This capacity begins to emerge by 9 months of age, modulated by infants' own sensorimotor experience with pincer grip (Experiment 2). Our findings indicate that the ability to visually discriminate between pincer grasps differing in their biomechanical properties develops between 9 and 12 months of age, and that experience with self‐produced hand movements might help infants in building a representation of the hand that encompasses knowledge of the physical constraints of this body part.     

The Microstructure of Infants' Gaze as They View Adult Shifts in Overt Attention

We presented infants (5, 6, 9, and 12 months old) with movies in which a female model turned toward and fixated 1 of 2 toys placed on a table. Infants' gaze was measured using a Tobii 1750 eye tracker. Six‐, 9‐, and 12‐month‐olds' first gaze shift from the model's face (after the model started turning) was directed to the attended toy. The 5‐month‐olds performed at random. Following this initial response, 5‐, 6‐, and 9‐month‐olds performed more gaze shifts to the attended target; 12‐month‐olds performed at random. Infants at all ages displayed longer looking times to the attended toy. We discuss a number of explanations for 5‐month‐olds' ability to follow a shift in overt attention by an adult after an initially random response, including the possibility that infants' initial gaze response strengthens the representation of the objects in the peripheral visual field.     

The Development of Specialized Processing of Own‐Race Faces in Infancy

In this study, we examined developmental changes in infants' processing of own‐ versus other‐race faces. Caucasian American 8‐month‐olds (Experiment 1) and 4‐month‐olds (Experiment 2) were tested in a habituation‐switch procedure designed to assess holistic (attending to the relationship between internal and external features of the face) versus featural (attending to individual features of the face) processing of faces. Eight‐month‐olds demonstrated holistic processing of upright own‐race (Caucasian) faces, but featural processing of upright other‐race (African) faces. Inverted faces were processed featurally, regardless of ethnicity. Four‐month‐olds, however, demonstrated holistic processing of both Caucasian and African upright faces. These results demonstrate that infants' processing of own‐ versus other‐race faces becomes specialized between 4 and 8 months.     

Intersensory Redundancy and 7‐Month‐Old Infants' Memory for Arbitrary Syllable‐Object Relations

Seven‐month‐old infants require redundant information, such as temporal synchrony, to learn arbitrary syllable‐object relations (Gogate & Bahrick, 1998). Infants learned the relations between 2 spoken syllables, /a/ and /i/, and 2 moving objects only when temporal synchrony was present during habituation. This article presents 2 experiments to address infants' memory for these relations. In Experiment 1, infants remembered the syllable‐object relations after 10 min, only when temporal synchrony between the vocalizations and moving objects was provided during learning. In Experiment 2, 7‐month‐olds were habituated to the same syllable‐object pairs in the presence of temporal synchrony and tested for memory after 4 days. Once again, infants learned and showed emerging memory for the syllable‐object relations 4 days after original learning under the temporally synchronous condition. These findings are consistent with the view that prior to symbolic development, infants learn and remember word‐object relations by perceiving redundant information in the vocal and gestural communication of adults.     

To Cue or Not to Cue: Toddlers’ Use of Beacons and Associative Cues in Object‐displacement Tasks

Two experiments examined 24‐ and 30‐month‐olds' use of different forms of landmark information in an object‐displacement task involving a car rolling down a ramp whose trajectory was occluded by a screen containing doors. A pompom attached to the car, visible through a transparent window running across the screen, served as a cue for the car's location and functioned either as a beacon cue, directly guiding search to a given location, or an associative cue, indirectly marking target location. Interestingly, one way in which the cue information was modified from a beacon to an associative cue was in terms of the structure of the search apparatus, and not necessarily the cue information itself. Consistent with previous literature, 24‐month‐olds' search was significantly influenced by the shift from beacon to associative cue information, whereas 30‐month‐olds, although affected by the shift from one to the other, were less affected by this variation. These findings suggest that the cue drives attention to specific locations in space, with search behavior being more accurate when the cue directly marks the hiding location (i.e., beacon) than when the cue indirectly marks it (i.e., associative cue).     

The Emergence and Stability of the Attentional Bias to Fearful Faces in Infancy

Several studies have shown that at 7 months of age, infants display an attentional bias toward fearful facial expressions. In this study, we analyzed visual attention and heart rate data from a cross‐sectional study with 5‐, 7‐, 9‐, and 11‐month‐old infants (Experiment 1) and visual attention from a longitudinal study with 5‐ and 7‐month‐old infants (Experiment 2) to examine the emergence and stability of the attentional bias to fearful facial expressions. In both experiments, the attentional bias to fearful faces appeared to emerge between 5 and 7 months of age: 5‐month‐olds did not show a difference in disengaging attention from fearful and nonfearful faces, whereas 7‐ and 9‐month‐old infants had a lower probability of disengaging attention from fearful than nonfearful faces. Across the age groups, heart rate (HR) data (Experiment 1) showed a more pronounced and longer‐lasting HR deceleration to fearful than nonfearful expressions. The results are discussed in relation to the development of the perception and experience of fear and the interaction between emotional and attentional processes.     

What's in View for Toddlers? Using a Head Camera to Study Visual Experience

This article reports 2 experiments using a new method to study 18‐to 24‐month‐olds' visual experiences as they interact with objects. Experiment 1 presents evidence on the coupling of head and eye movements and thus the validity of the head camera view of the infant's visual field in the geometry of the task context. Experiment 2 demonstrates the use of this method in the naturalistic context of toy play with a parent. The results point to the embodied nature of toddlers' attentional strategies and to importance of hands and hand actions in their visual experience of objects. The head camera thus appears to be a promising method that, despite some limitations, will yield new insights about the ecology and content of young children's experiences.     

Emergence of a consonant bias during the first year of life: New evidence from own‐name recognition

Recent evidence suggests that during the first year of life, a preference for consonant information during lexical processing (consonant bias) emerges, at least for some languages like French. Our study investigated the factors involved in this emergence as well as the developmental consequences for variation in consonant bias emergence. In a series of experiments, we measured 5‐, 8‐, and 11‐month‐old French‐learning infants orientation times to a consonant or vowel mispronunciation of their own name, which is one of the few word forms familiar to infants at this young age. Both 5‐ and 8‐month‐olds oriented longer to vowel mispronunciations, but 11‐month‐olds showed a different pattern, initially orienting longer to consonant mispronunciations. We interpret these results as further evidence of an initial vowel bias, with consonant bias emergence by 11 months. Neither acoustic‐phonetic nor lexical factors predicted preferences in 8‐ and 11‐month‐olds. Finally, counter to our predictions, a vowel bias at the time of test for 11‐month‐olds was related to later productive vocabulary outcomes.     

Toddlers’ Responses to Infants’ Negative Emotions

Early developments in toddlers’ responses to adults’ distress have been extensively examined, but less work has been directed to young children's responses to other children in distress. In the current study, we examined 12‐, 18‐, and 24‐month‐old children's (N = 71) behavioral and affective responses to a crying infant (doll) present in the room with the child. A comparison condition included a contented, neutral infant to contrast with the crying infant so as to disambiguate social interest from distress‐specific responding. Results showed that 12‐month‐olds were neither particularly interested in nor concerned about the infant, although they did discriminate between conditions. In contrast, 18‐ and 24‐month‐olds were socially interested and attentive to the infant, but 24‐month‐olds exhibited greater affective concern to the crying infant than did 18‐month‐olds. Children at all three ages were also mildly distressed themselves by the infant's crying, and this did not decline over the second year. Both girls and children without siblings were more interested in the infant; no effects were found for gender, daycare experience, or siblings on affective concern.     

Does It Matter What Mama Says: Evaluating the Role of Parental Mediation in European Adolescents’ Excessive Internet Use

This study investigated the relationship between adolescents’ excessive Internet use (EIU) and parental mediation. A random stratified sample of 11‐ to 16‐year olds (N = 18 709) and their parents from 25 European countries (EU Kids Online II project) was analysed to explore to what extent different types of parental mediation and other factors predict EIU. Active parental involvement in the child's Internet use (when the child had experienced online harm) and restrictive mediation were associated with lower EIU. Harmful online experiences, time spent online, scope of online activities and adolescents’ age predicted higher EIU.     

The Role of Verbal Repetition in the Development of Infant Speech Preferences From 4 to 14 Months of Age

Four experiments investigated infants' preferences for age‐appropriate and age‐inappropriate infant‐directed speech (IDS) over adult‐directed speech (ADS). Two initial experiments showed that 6‐, 10‐, and 14‐month‐olds preferred IDS directed toward younger infants, and 4‐, 8‐, 10‐, and 14‐month‐olds, but not 6‐month‐olds, preferred IDS directed toward older infants. In Experiment 3. 6‐month‐olds preferred IDS directed toward older infants when the frequency of repeated utterances matched IDS to younger infants. In Experiment 4, 6‐month‐olds preferred repeated IDS utterances over the same IDS utterances organized without repetition. Attention to repeated utterances precedes word segmentation and sensitivity to statistical cues in continuous speech, and might play a role in the discovery of these and other aspects of linguistic structure.     

Sensitivity to Confidence Cues Increases during the Second Year of Life

We investigated the emergence in infancy of a preference to imitate individuals who display confidence over lack of confidence. Eighteen‐ and 24‐month‐olds (N = 70) were presented with an experimenter who demonstrated the use of several objects accompanied by either nonverbal expressions of confidence or lack of confidence. At 24 months, infants were more likely to imitate the actions when demonstrated by a confident experimenter than by an unconfident experimenter; 18‐month‐olds showed no such preference. The experimenter then presented an additional imitation trial and a word‐learning trial while displaying a neutral expression. Twenty‐four‐month‐olds persisted in preferentially imitating a previously confident experimenter, but prior confidence had no effect on their word learning. These findings demonstrate a developmental increase in infants’ use of confidence cues toward the end of the second year of life.     

Infant Neurodevelopment is Affected by Prenatal Maternal Stress: The QF2011 Queensland Flood Study

Research shows that prenatal maternal stress (PNMS) negatively affects a range of infant outcomes; yet no single study has explored the effects of stress in pregnancy from a natural disaster on multiple aspects of infant neurodevelopment. This study examined the effects of flood‐related stress in pregnancy on 6‐month‐olds' neurodevelopment and examined the moderating effects of timing of the stressor in gestation and infant sex on these outcomes. Women exposed to the 2011 Queensland (Australia) floods in pregnancy completed surveys on their flood‐related objective and subjective experiences at recruitment and reported on their infants' neurodevelopment on the problem solving, communication, and personal–social scales of the Ages and Stages‐III at 6 months postpartum (N = 115). Interaction results showed that subjective flood stress in pregnancy had significantly different effects in boys and girls, and that at high levels of stress girls had significantly lower problem solving scores than boys. Timing of the flood later in pregnancy predicted lower personal–social scores in the sample, and there was a trend (p < .10) for greater objective flood exposure to predict lower scores. PNMS had no effect on infants' communication skills. In conclusion, differential aspects of maternal flood‐related stress in pregnancy influenced aspects of 6‐month‐olds' neurodevelopment.     

Long‐Term Memory for an Emotional Interpersonal Interaction Occurring at 5 Months of Age

We examined infants' long‐term retention of a single unique emotional experience into early childhood. Twenty‐month‐olds who had participated in a still‐face procedure at 5 months (experience group) fixated the face of the person who had instigated the still face significantly less than the faces of 2 other novel persons. Control 20‐month‐olds (no‐experience group) looked longer overall and fixated the target person equally or more than the 2 novel persons. In short, children who interacted with a stranger in the laboratory under both natural and anomalous social conditions just once when they were infants apparently retained a specific memory of that person and the experience into toddlerhood.     

The Effect of Learning Experiences and Context on Infant Imitation and Generalization

Over the first years of life, infants gradually develop the ability to retrieve their memories across cue and contextual changes. Whereas maturational factors drive some of these developments in memory ability, experiences occurring within the learning event may also impact infants' ability to retrieve memories in new situations. In 2 experiments we examined whether it was possible to facilitate 12‐month‐old infants' generalization of learning in the deferred imitation paradigm by varying experiences before or during the demonstration session, or during the retention interval. In Experiment 1, altering the length, timing, or variability of training had no impact on generalization; infants showed a low, but consistent level of memory retrieval. In Experiment 2, infants who experienced a unique context for encoding and retrieval exhibited generalization; infants who experienced the context prior to the demonstration session, or during the retention interval, did not. Specificity is a robust feature of infant memory and is not substantially altered by encoding experiences in an observational learning paradigm. Previous history with a learning environment can, however, impact the flexibility of memory retrieval.     

One is Not Enough: Multiple Exemplars Facilitate Infants' Generalizations of Novel Properties

Across three experiments, we examined 9‐ and 11‐month‐olds' mappings of novel sound properties to novel animal categories. Infants were familiarized with novel animal–novel sound pairings (e.g., Animal A [red]–Sound 1) and then tested on: (1) their acquisition of the original pairing and (2) their generalization of the sound property to a new member of a familiarized category (e.g., Animal A [blue]–Sound 1). When familiarized with a single exemplar of a category, 11‐month‐olds showed no evidence of acquiring or generalizing the animal–sound pairings. In contrast, 11‐month‐olds learnt the original animal–sound mappings and generalized the sound property to a novel member of that category when familiarized with multiple exemplars of a category. Finally, when familiarized with multiple exemplars, 9‐month‐old infants learnt the original animal–sound pairing, but did not extend the novel sound property. The results of these experiments provide evidence for developmental differences in the facilitative role of multiple exemplars in promoting the learning and generalization of information.     

Early Understanding of Subject and Object Wh‐Questions

In this study, we used the splitscreen preferential looking paradigm to test 13‐, 15‐, and 20‐month‐olds' developing understanding of simple matrix what‐questions of the forms “What hit the X?” (subject‐question) and “What did the X hit?” (object‐question). Infants responded appropriately to subject‐questions by 15 months of age, and to both subject‐ and object‐questions by 20 months. At no age did infants look longer toward the object overtly mentioned in the question, as might be expected based on a surface account of early language acquisition. This suggests that infants may have some understanding of these complex structures long before they are produced.     

Infants Discriminate the Affective Expressions of their Peers: The Roles of Age and Familiarization Time

Research examining infants’ discrimination of affect often uses unfamiliar faces and voices of adults. Recently, research has examined infant discrimination of affect in familiar faces and voices. In much of this research, infants were habituated to the affective expressions using a “standard” 50% habituation criterion. We extend this line of research by examining infants’ discrimination of unfamiliar peers’, that is, 4‐month‐olds, dynamic, facial, and vocal affective expressions and assessing how discrimination is affected by changing the habituation criterion. In two experiments, using an infant‐controlled habituation design, we explored 3‐ and 5‐month‐olds’ discrimination of their peers’ dynamic audiovisual displays of positive and negative expressions of affect. Results of Experiment 1, using a 50% habituation criterion, revealed that 5‐month‐olds, but not 3‐month‐olds discriminated the affective expressions of their peers. In Experiment 2, we examined whether 3‐month‐olds’ lack of discrimination in Experiment 1 was a result of insufficient habituation (i.e., familiarization). Specifically, 3‐month‐olds were habituated using a 70% habituation criterion, providing them with longer familiarization time. Results revealed that using the more stringent habituation criterion, 3‐month‐olds showed longer habituation times, that is increased familiarization, and discriminated their peers’ affective expressions. Results are discussed in terms of infants’ discrimination of affect, the role of familiarization time, and limitations of the 50% habituation criterion.     

Limits of Object Persistence: Young Infants Perceive Continuity of Vertical and Horizontal Trajectories,But Not 45‐Degree Oblique Trajectories

Previous research indicated that 4‐month‐old infants perceive continuity of objects moving on horizontal trajectories but appear to have difficulty processing occlusion events involving oblique trajectories. However, because perception of continuity of vertical trajectories has not been tested, it is uncertain whether this indicates a specific deficit for oblique trajectories or a specific advantage for horizontal trajectories. We evaluated the contribution of trajectory orientation and the form of occlusion in three experiments with one hundred and forty‐four 4‐month‐olds. Infants perceived continuity of horizontal and vertical trajectories under all conditions presented. However, they did not perceive continuity of an oblique (45°) trajectory under any condition. Thus, 4‐month‐olds appear unable to process continuity of a 45° trajectory. In a fourth experiment with forty‐eight 6‐ and 8‐month‐old infants, we demonstrated that by 6 months, infants' difficulty with oblique trajectories is overcome. We suggest that young infants' difficulty with markedly oblique trajectories likely relates to immature eye movement control.     

Language Experience Shapes the Development of the Mutual Exclusivity Bias

Halberda (2003) demonstrated that 17‐month‐old infants, but not 14‐ or 16‐month‐olds, use a strategy known as mutual exclusivity (ME) to identify the meanings of new words. When 17‐month‐olds were presented with a novel word in an intermodal preferential looking task, they preferentially fixated a novel object over an object for which they already had a name. We explored whether the development of this word‐learning strategy is driven by children’s experience of hearing only one name for each referent in their environment by comparing the behavior of infants from monolingual and bilingual homes. Monolingual infants aged 17–22 months showed clear evidence of using an ME strategy, in that they preferentially fixated the novel object when they were asked to “look at the dax.” Bilingual infants of the same age and vocabulary size failed to show a similar pattern of behavior. We suggest that children who are raised with more than one language fail to develop an ME strategy in parallel with monolingual infants because development of the bias is a consequence of the monolingual child’s everyday experiences with words.