Public opinion and the Canadian political crisis*

This survey of public opinion offers little hope of a speedy resolution to the conflict between the federal government and the government of Quebec by reference to a wider public debate than is provided for in the existing electoral machinery. In Quebec, the program of the Parti Quebecois is supported by about one-third of the population. However, the very great majority of Quebecers wants recognition of the special status of French in their province, in line with the recent language legislation of the pq government. French Quebecers also strongly support the extension of bilingual opportunities in education and government in the rest of Canada, policies which are presently beyond the jurisdiction of the federal government and which provincial governments are not yet prepared to enact. A clear majority of Canadians outside Quebec opposes provisions for the special status of French within Quebec as the language of work and of schooling for non-English-speaking immigrants, and only a small majority supports the extension of educational and governmental facilities in French outside Quebec. Differences in public opinion are equally pronounced with respect to the issues of concessions and economic agreement. The great majority of Quebecers favours an economic agreement with the rest of Canada if the province becomes independent. Outside Quebec only a bare majority of Canadians supports any concessions to Quebec to prevent separation, and a large proportion of them draws the line at “minor” concessions. Similarly, only a slight majority of Canadians outside of Quebec is prepared to approve of the negotiation of an economic agreement should a majority of Quebecers vote for independence, and it seems likely that a majority in English Canada would oppose any concrete suggestions for economic union. Further insights into the structure of these political attitudes can be obtained from Table V1, which shows gamma values measuring the associations between the individual items discussed so far and compares these associations for the two large non-minority groups - the French in Quebec and the non-French outside Quebec. The generally stronger associations in Quebec among the responses to items a to E -measuring support for conventional policies of bilingualism - indicate that French Quebecers are more likely to view the extension of these rights in Quebec and English Canada in terms of reciprocity and that their beliefs are more coherently organized than those of English Canadians. It is interesting to examine the relationship between support for English-language schooling for Canadians who move to Quebec versus provision for this schooling for people who do not speak English and move to Quebec. In English Canada the two policies are very strongly related; the gamma of 81 indicates that both policies are seen as part of a single dimension. But French Quebecers see these as two distinguishable issues, though they are still positively related (the gamma is.25). In Quebec there is little relationship between support for independence and attitudes to bilingualism. Support for independence is weakly, but negatively, correlated with support for English schooling for English Canadians who move to Quebec and with recognition of the right to communicate with the Quebec government in English. Supporters of independence tend to oppose common Federalist notions of bilingualism, but not as strongly as might be expected. What is suggested here is that “independen-tisme” is a reaction to conditions within Quebec - as indicated further by the definite association between support for independence and the measures to protect French within Quebec - rather than a reaction to conditions in Canada or an ethnocentric response to English Canadians generally. The data in Table VI also indicate that amongst non-French-speaking Canadians outside Quebec support for the extension of opportunities for the use of French in Canada is associated with support for the recognition of the special status of French in Quebec and with approval of a more conciliatory attitude to concessions and economic agreement with Quebec. The relevant coefficients are in the order of.30, indicating a fairly consistent attitudinal structure. In English Canada, therefore, attitudes to bilingualism reflect a general orientation towards political developments in Quebec which can be seen in terms of the response of a dominant ethnic group to the assertion of “civil rights” by an ethnic minority. In Quebec, on the other hand, problems of civil rights in majority-minority relations within Canada have little or nothing to do with the demand for the right to self-determination. This demand reflects rather the concentration of the French population and the historical continuity of the French community in Quebec, and arguments over the right to self-determination are based upon interpretations of political and economic conditions within Quebec. Within Quebec, therefore, we expect to explain attitudes to independence and language rights in terms of conventional theories of support for nationalist movements, while in the rest of Canada we concentrate on theories of prejudice and support for civil liberties.     

Reintegration of circulating families in southwestern Puerto Rico

Puerto Rican migration to the US has been a more or less continuous process since 1917. The perspective of viewing return migration as a circulation process suggests that there are entries, exits, and reintergration into the metropolitan labor market. This study explores the circulatory movements of Puerto Rican families, events that influence the adaptation process when returning to Puerto Rico, and cultural identity aspects. Data collected by means of 2 research instruments that were administered to the respondents simultaneously were used: 1) a life history matrix and 2) an open-ended questionnaire. These interviews outlined the principal problems of adaptation as mentioned by the circulating migrants. The most difficult problems to adjust to were economic and employment (58%), followed by social acceptance (23%), education (17%), and language (15%). Transportation, medical services, and recreational facilities were also problems mentioned as being significant. It is expected that a great majority of migrant laborers will go to live in immigrant residential locations in large US cities. It is also expected that these migrants will meet with certain value conflicts by living in urban ghettos. These families will have serious difficulties finding economic stability and will possibly consider migrating once again as an alternative to their social reality. This study illustrates that: 1) the migrants return in family groups; 2) they face discriminatory problems in employment agencies and schools; 3) they look forward to a formal education as a means of social mobility; 4) they identify themselves with values, habits, and Puerto Rican traditions; and 5) they value the quality of life in Puerto Rico.     

Beyond Ethnic Relations: Racial Politics and the Origins of the Welfare State in Republican France

To explain racial fissures in France today, one must revisit the structural and ideological failings in the origin of key Republican institutions. This article analyzes how the symbolic and material significance of labor structures imposed on black French citizens in the Third Republic produced differentiation in the value of labor to the nation. The production of social patterns and belief systems based on racial inequality were integrated into the structure of the French welfare state. The experience of black political actors, Hégésippe Légitimus, Blaise Diange, Lamine Senghor, and the state illustrates how the welfare state, as an engine of assimilation, defined a differential and racialized status for blacks during the process of crucial institution building. Although the majority of blacks in the French Empire were subjects during the Third Republic, the experience of those who were citizens indicates contradictions related to incorporation and race.     

Nanny politics

This article examines the new migration of Peruvian domestic workers into Santiago, Chile, where laws protecting the labor rights of household workers have recently been strengthened. Through field observations and interviews, we found that employers were disgruntled with Chilean workers who had begun to assert demands. Many of them preferred Peruvian workers, not because the labor was cheaper, but because foreign workers were more compelled to perform a traditional deference and servility. We argue that the Peruvian migrants' relative disempowerment was the product not only of the economic inequality between states, but also the process of migration itself, as well as popular ideological discourses about development, race and gender that rationalized and perpetuated a transnational division of labor in the household. Ultimately, this study illustrates how the role of the ‘servile’ woman in the household persists when women are transnationally mobile, despite the growing empowerment of both professional and working-class Chilean women in the public sphere. The article concludes with recommendations for change to improve the conditions of both native-born and foreign domestic workers.     

Socio-economic stratification generated by international migration loops

This paper analyzes the migration phenomenon within a framework that treats migration movements as continuous loops, from the country of origin to the destination and back. Significant social-psychological factors at each step of the loop process contribute to the development of migration streams along a predictable pattern. The general model of the loop process shows that the migration stream is 1st sparked when labor is recruited from less developed countries for work in developed industrialized countries. Once the social process of migration has begun, it tends to acquire a self-feeding character. Social and economic change in sending and receiving societies brought about by migration make further migration more likely. The case of the Mexico-US-Mexico loop process is analyzed. This case illustrates the effects of socioeconomic stratification that occurs in communities where the migration loop process reaches a certain level of maturity. The majority of a town's population may become committed to migration as a way of life. Eventually, wealth becomes concentrated in the hands of those that are most able to migrate. Thus, migrants may become a new elite segment of rural populations that were once relatively homogenous societies. Further research of the migration loop process should be conducted. At least in the case of Mexico, the socioeconomic stratification in the villages and towns acting as sources of migration loops with destinations in the US have significant internal economic, social, and political implications.     

Some advantages of Canadian disunity: how Quebec sovereignty might aid economic development in English-speaking Canada*

Les conflits relatifs au partage des pouvoirs entre de grandes communautés ethniques possédant chacune un ensemble complet d'institutions peuvent aboutir à une décentralisation telle que l'État cesse d'être un instrument efficace de planification économique et que l'économie du pays commence à en souffrir. Le cas de tiraillements Canado-québécois illustre ce type de processus et soulève la question suivante: l'avenir économique du Canada ne serait-il pas plus prometteur si le Québec devenait indépendant? Jurisdictional disputes between large, institutionally complete ethnic communities in a single society may promote so much decentralization of authority that the state becomes ineffective as an economic planner. Economic decline may result. The Canada/Quebec case illustrates this process and suggests that Quebec independence may improve Canada's economic prospects.     

LOBBYING FOR MINIMUM WAGES

Using a common agency lobbying framework, this paper illustrates how the minimum wage set reflects the interaction between economic and political factors and under what circumstances will the policymaker be induced, through lobbying, to change the minimum wage. Specifically, when the labor demand elasticity is large, lobbying is successful in inducing the policymaker to set the minimum wage in accordance with her political ideology. However, the paper also shows the conditions under which lobbying will reverse the ideological preference and induce a business‐friendly government to increase the minimum wage. Empirical analysis on a panel data for ten Canadian provinces gives considerable support for theoretical predictions. The real minimum wage decreases in skill‐adjusted union density and political ideology, while larger labor demand elasticity reinforces the influence of political ideology in the presence of lobbying. (JEL J38, D72, D78)     

Economic Theories of Low-Wage Work

This article examines economic theories of the low-wage labor market to increase understanding of economic inequality and poverty in the United States, particularly related to the labor market. On the one hand, neoclassical, labor monopsony, and Harris-Todaro models explain how minimum wage policies are related to supply and demand of labor, human capital, employment, and unemployment. On the other hand, the efficiency wage model, the dual labor market theory, and technology development and globalization account for the causes of the wage differentials. This article includes a conceptual map that illustrates the interrelationships between these economic theories of low-wage work.     

Migrant workers in the Arab Gulf: the impact of declining oil revenues

"This article explores the relationship between government expenditure and labor immigration in the Arab Gulf states. This relationship was close and positive during the rapid growth of the 1970s. Using Kuwait as a case study, trends in immigrant labor movements over the period 1981-85 are considered in detail. This analysis shows that the current economic downturn, reflecting the collapse of the world oil prices, has not resulted in the large scale re-export of foreign labor which was envisaged. The reasons for this foreign labor retention are considered and the authors speculate on future migration trends in the region."     

English and discourses of commodification among tourism workers in the Himalayas

In this article, I investigate commodification discourses and ideologies of English from the perspective of Nepali tourism workers. Drawing data from interviews with porters and trekking guides in Nepal, I argue that English is not seen as merely a transactional means to convey meaning; it works in combination with the traditional form of labor and care in the local economy, establishing itself as a powerful tool to establish closer interpersonal relationships, enhance such interpersonal relationships for economic gains and commodify local identities and cultures in the tourism market. The interview and ethnographic details show that language learners are agentive and capable of making sense of their actions by positioning themselves variously in terms of ethnicity, economic class and job category. These workers think that tourists' linguistic and financial resources are the empowering tools that enable them to travel to locations that they want. They also want to empower themselves with English skills and translocal imaginaries to travel and see the world beyond their immediate reach. Repertoires in English are considered as instruments to mediate their imaginaries and the foreign worlds they want to be part of.     

The Rhetoric of Value Transfer in Organizations*

This paper examines the rhetoric found in the referral pamphlets distributed by military academies and homes for the mentally retarded. The material is analyzed from a perspective which views value exchange between client and organization as an initial means of institutionalizing the relations between the person and the service organization. Discussion centers around the heuristic value of economic models in sociological analysis, with particular reference to that non-institutionalized sphere of the division of labor that encompasses service organizations which lack viable client referral mechanisms.     

Cross‐Movement Coalition Formation: Bridging the Labor‐Environment Divide*

Relations between the labor and environmental movements exist within a complex web of clashing interests, electoral politics, and attempts to form enduring blue‐green coalitions. Unions and other labor organizations are often portrayed as solely interested in economic growth. Environmental organizations are often seen as solely interested in preserving the natural world at the expense of economic growth, thus creating a direct conflict between the interests of labor and environmental organizations. Despite these perceived differences, efforts to bridge the divide between the two movements are increasingly common. This article examines the formation of a collective identity shared by workers and environmentalists participating in the coalition. I develop this argument through an ethnographic analysis of the formation of a blue‐green coalition, the Alliance for a Healthy Tomorrow, using in‐depth interviews, observations, and content analyses. I demonstrate how coalition leaders and bridge brokers work to bridge and consolidate the identities of labor and environmental groups to campaign for environmental health regulatory changes in Massachusetts.     

‘Ch'us mon propre Bescherelle’: Challenges from the Hip‐Hop nation to the Quebec nation1

We examine the uses of and attitudes towards language of members of the Montreal Hip‐Hop community in relation to Quebec language‐in‐education policies. These policies, implemented in the 1970s, have ensured that French has become the common public language of an ethnically diverse young adult population in Montreal. We argue, using Blommaert's (2005) model of orders of indexicality, that the dominant language hierarchy orders established by government policy have been both flattened and reordered by members of the Montreal Hip‐Hop community, whose multilingual lyrics insist: (1) that while French is the lingua franca, it is a much more inclusive category which includes ‘Bad French,’ regional and class dialects, and European French; and (2) that all languages spoken by community members are valuable as linguistic resources for creativity and communication with multiple audiences. We draw from a database which includes interviews with and lyrics from rappers of Haitian, Latin‐American, African‐American and Québécois origin.     

Comparing the Experiences of Highly Skilled Labor Migrants in Sweden and Japan: Barriers and Doors to Long-term Settlement

As labor markets become increasingly global, competition among industrialized nations to attract highly skilled workers from abroad has intensified. Spurred by concerns over future economic needs caused by the demographic challenges of an aging population, both Japan and Sweden have joined this global competition. This article examines Japanese and Swedish immigration policies for highly skilled migrants and compares the highly skilled migrants’ experiences in the two countries through interviews with these migrants. Despite Japan and Sweden's completely different approaches to immigration itself, both countries’ policies, as well as the experiences of the skilled migrants, are strikingly similar. Highly skilled migrants experience language barriers and prejudice in both countries, making it difficult to build social networks with natives. Career development seems to be perceived as a common problem, although less so in Sweden, where labor markets are more flexible. Overall, these issues reduce both Japan's and Sweden's ability to retain skilled migrants. While they share similarities, Sweden's famed work–life balance and gender equality give it an edge in the competition for skilled migrants, which Japan does not share. This comparison identifies which social conditions facilitate or impede skilled migrant settlement.     

Economic development and urbanisation

Trends in urbanization in developing countries are analyzed, with a focus on the causes of rapid urbanization and particularly on the role of the division of labor. The impact of urbanization on the process of economic development is described. The role of government and of urban planning policies is also considered.     

Réformes de l'immigration au Québec en 2019 et 2020: La logique politique à l’épreuve de l'analyse statistique

This research note examines the economic performance of economic immigrants selected under the Quebec Experience Program (PEQ). Launched in 2010 and currently being challenged by the Government of Quebec, this immigration program offers an accelerated path to obtaining a Quebec Selection Certificate. Drawing on data from The Longitudinal Immigration Database (IMDB), this analysis focuses on PEQ immigrants’ employment rates and employment income compared to the Quebec population aged 25 and 44, other economic immigrants admitted to Quebec, and candidates for the Canadian experience program admitted in another province. The results show that the first cohorts of this program performed very well on the Quebec job market, a performance that compares favorably with that of the other groups studied. The results indicate that the economic arguments put forward by the Québec Government to justify the reform of the PEQ do not withstand the statistical examination of employment outcomes; other factors should justify this reform.     

The Family and Work in the Post-socialist Transition of Serbia: 1991–2006

For a long period of time, the family and the household have not been considered agents in the economic sphere. However, in contemporary theoretical and research practice we are witnessing a rehabilitation of this aspect of family activity. The importance of the broader social and economic impact of this activity of families and households is legitimated through the concepts of social capital and household strategies in the labor sphere. This paper presents the results of three successive representative empirical studies of households in Serbia between 1991 and 2006. The main goal of these studies was to observe the problems households and families are facing in the transition process. The specific profile of Serbia's transition path, determined by numerous societal disturbances, is emphasized. The relation between the work sphere and the family sphere is viewed through five forms of the working status and activities of household members. Research results show a remarkable proliferation of informal work activities, which enable the survival of households in the circumstances of high unemployment and low wages in the formal labor sector.     

The internal economy of Cuban tobacco slavery

The independent production by slaves of subsistence and surplus food, as well as material goods holding economic value, is a critical component in understanding the complexities of slavery as an institution. However, in the context of Cuba, scholars have either ignored or undervalued this practice – a result of the long-standing attention paid to slaves laboring in sugar production at the expense of scholarship on other slave-based agricultural economies. In an effort to highlight the existence of an internal, material economy within Cuba's slave community, this article analyzes Cuban tobacco slavery through a structural argument emphasizing how tobacco's unique labor arrangements facilitated the existence of an internal economy. As a result, within this specific community, tens of thousands of slaves had the potential to become autonomous economic actors whose independent activities fundamentally transformed the very nature of enslavement, most notably through the opportunity of self-purchase.     

Sideline and Lifeline: The Cultural Economy of Maple Syrup Production1

Abstract Why do people engage in economically minor resource production activities? This field study of Vermont and Quebec maple syrup producers and their households and enterprises examines the diversion of motivations and concerns m contemporary maple syrup production. Farmers, former farmers, and non-farmers all produce maple syrup. The concept of embeddedness provides a framework for understanding how producers understand their involvement with maple syrup, by highlighting the social and cultural context of economic action. An embeddedness perspective emphasizes how other work activities, household relations, the surrounding community, and the resource environment shape the possibilities for and understandings of minor resource production activities. Maple syrup generally only supplemented the household income of the 76 producers interviewed. Producers articulated a cultural economy of syrup production centered on its contribution to overall livelihood, cultural identity, and lifestyle. Reasons included managing risks, making seasonal use of land and labor resources, developing a retirement income, demonstrating a rural, agrarian identity, and strengthening family and community ties. Implications for policy include the place of minor resource production activities in securing rural livelihoods and providing cultural anchors in rural regions experiencing demographic and economic change.     

Working Class Politics: An Interpretation of the Quebec Case*

L'echec repete des partis politiques de gauche au Quebec est generalement attri-bue au conservatisme et au nationalisme de la classe ouvriere canadienne-fran-caise. Cependant, quand on considere l'appui disproportions des ouvriers pour l'Union Nationale, il appert que cet appui ne peut s'expliquer par de telles attitudes. Nous suggerons plutot que la montee de l'Union Nationale durant les an-nees de 1935 a 1936 represente surtout la montee d'un mouvement politique de protestation economique, et que les ouvriers s'attacherent peu a evaluer son ideologic propre. De facon plus generate, nous pretendons que les valeurs et les inte-rets des elites sont plus importantes que ceux des classes inferieures pour ex-pliquer 1'orientation conservatrice et nationaliste de la politique au Quebec et l'echec des partis de gauche. The failure of leftist parties in Quebec is usually interpreted as a result of the conservatism and ethnic consciousness of the French Canadian working class. However, when the disproportionate support of the workers for the conservative Union Nationale party is considered, one finds that it cannot be explained by these and related attitudes. As an alternative interpretation, it is suggested that the Union Nationale rose during the 1930s as an economic protest movement and that the workers turned to it independently of its philosophy. More generally, we argue that the values and interests of the elites are more important than those of the lower classes to explain the conservative and nationalist character of Quebec politics and the failure of leftist parties.