马克思公共性思想的历史生成及其当代诠释——基于马克思经典文本的解读

公共性的价值取向贯穿于马克思对人类社会发展思考的始终。马克思公共性思想在萌芽、形成和发展的过程中经历了由抽象到具体、由理论到现实、由公共性具体制度和体制的设计到实证分析三次历史的转向。马克思公共性思想在当代不仅彰显了强大的生命力,而且对当今时代不同维度的发展问题给予了回应。     

邓小平政府公共性的实践路径研究

邓小平政府公共性思想是以实现公共利益为根本导向,以改善人民生活为基本目标,以供给公共服务为重点内容的科学理论。邓小平实现政府公共性的路径主要包括完善政府公共性的实践载体,重构以公共利益为核心的现代政府;优化政府公共性的实践媒介,重塑以公共服务为重点的政府职能;培育政府公共性的实践主体,打造以服务人民为宗旨的公仆队伍;厘定政府公共性的实践客体,建立聚焦民生改善的公共服务体制;重视政府公共性的实践效能,建立以人民满意为导向的问责机制。邓小平实现政府公共性的路径体系对今天服务型政府建设和公共利益的实现依然有着重要的指导价值。     

马克思恩格斯政府公共性思想探析

追求为着"人的解放"的真实公共性是马克思主义学说的根本旨趣。马克思从人的感性实践活动出发,从人类历史生存实践的深层根源,揭示了人本质上是类存在物,公共性是人生存与发展的根本方式,每个人的自由发展,即是人类实践公共性累积的成果,也是人类公共性发展的根本内涵与指向。与近现代政治思想家不同,马克思、恩格斯突破了资产阶级的狭隘眼界,认为国家(广义的政府)并不必然代表"公共性",国家虽然是应社会公共性的要求而产生的,具有名义上的"公共性",但在存在阶级对立的社会,国家的"公共性"是"虚假的",其实质上代表的是统治阶级的利益。只有"消灭"阶级和国家,建立"自由人联合体",才能达致体现真实公共性的"人类化社会"。     

公共性：从精神世界到社会生活

公共性是公共生活的永恒话题,是公共生活的根本属性。形而上的公共性体现为一种具有普遍价值约束力的公共精神。形而下的公共性表现为公共权力对公共利益的有效维护。作为抽象的公共精神的公共性必须还原现实的公共生活,通过公共利益体现其在公共领域中的价值。作为公共生活空间的公共领域与私人领域既存在差异又存在着潜移默化的融合趋势,公共性也因而受到威胁,缓解公共性危机需要借助文化的力量和社会资本的积累,形成对公共利益的更广泛的共识,达成行动的一致,进而使公共性得以彰显。     

论中国特色社会主义理论体系的公共性品质

邓小平理论、＂三个代表＂重要思想以及科学发展观等重大战略思想,在同一主题下既一脉相承又与时俱进,形成了中国特色社会主义理论体系的有机整体.共同富裕论、始终代表中国最广大人民的根本利益论、以人为本的科学发展观、公平正义的社会和谐观,集中体现了中国特色社会主义的本质属性,体现了中国特色社会主义理论体系的公共性品质.     

公共性的产生与生产——兼评中国语境下的公共性生产问题

通过对有关"公共领域"与"公共性"解说的梳理,笔者认为公共性产生逻辑强调的是人们经公共领域内的商谈、辩论和协商等交流和互动的形式产生公共性。而公共性生产逻辑关注的是产生特定公共性的经济、社会和政治公共场域的结构性特征。由于公共性总有一种与自身相背离的潜在危机,因此,笔者沿着这两条线索考察了公共性的产生和生产过程,并进一步探讨了中国语境下公共性生产的路径选择问题。     

政府公共性的责任解读——兼与荀明俐博士商榷

以责任视阈诠释政府公共性问题是政府理论与实践发展的时代使命。政府公共性受到市场经济物化逻辑的现实场域干扰,不时显现出经济人理性的局域困惑而走向其本寓精神的悖论,其深刻的理论背景在于现代社会理性精神搁浅于形而上学化的思辨理性的事实。政府对公共性责任的践履意味着对尊重差异和协商对话的公共领域的完善,意味着责任政府基本价值理念的公共性确证。进一步对政府公共性的责任解读进行再解读,思考市场经济条件下最终能驾驭资本的民主建设与国家机器重构问题,以便对深化政府公共性问题的探讨有所裨益。     

公共行政“公共性”的概念解析

公共行政的公共性问题是行政哲学研究的基础性课题,而对这一概念的解析则是探究这一课题所必不可缺的理论工作。对"公共性"的考察给公共行政"公共性"的概念建构带来了重要启示:行政的"公共性"是一个历史流动性的概念,对其界定既需要描述性的考察与解析,也需要规范性的建构与诠释。从历史描述来看,公共行政"公共性"经历了管理行政时期的"形式公共性"向服务行政时期的"实质公共性"的演变;从规范建构来讲,公共行政"公共性"实质上是公共行政对公共利益的追求,可以将其在形而上层面定义为一种基于公共利益至上原则的价值标准,在形而下层面可以看作是行政主体对公民现实利益与权利的极力维护。当前,在服务型政府建设的背景下探讨"公共性"的概念,是对服务行政的性质和特征进行理论规划的必要步骤。     

在市民社会中阅读道德——从弗格森、亚当·斯密到黑格尔

市民社会是不道德的社会,因而从启蒙时期开始就有许多思想家开始思考如何把市民社会转化成一个道德化社会的问题.弗格森的转化方案是恢复古代社会的所谓"公民美德";斯密在对市民社会的分析中提出了作为"内心的那个人"的道德情操,同时辅之以"看不见的手"去达成市民社会的道德化;黑格尔凭借其辩证法优势而提出了超越市民社会道德话题的设想.在黑格尔的思想中,其实包含着一个通向当代公共性问题的理论胚芽.     

农业的特殊公共性分析

公共性是公共利益和团体共同利益的表达。在国家权威运行的制度下,公共性的实现要依赖于政府的选择和认可。承认农业的公共性和我国农业公共性的特殊性,才能制定出我国农村公共产品供给的正确政策。农业的特殊公共性是我国农村公共产品供给的价值基础。     

论民国党报在“官民纠纷”中的话语泉源及其当代启示——以《中央日报》“中山路拆迁纠纷”报道为例

1929年3月至1930年4月,《中央日报》对＂南京中山路拆迁补偿＂的相关报道超过50次,平均每周均有关于中山路问题的报道。以传播学的＂议程设置＂为理论工具,完成＂南京中山路拆迁补偿纠纷＂的史实拼图。在以史为鉴的传统历史维度之外,从一个侧面寻觅国民政府年年调控物价却始终无法控制物价的历史根源。     

Interest group influence on the ideological orientations of local party activists

This paper uses a national survey of local Democratic and Republican Party officials to determine the extent to which interest group attempts to develop a formal organizational presence within the grassroots Democratic and Republican parties might push the parties towards taking more ideologically extreme positions. It is hypothesized that members of predominantly Democratic and Republican groups will be more ideologically extreme than other local party officials. The survey results provide support for the hypothesis. Group-influenced party activists tend to be more ideologically extreme than other party officials. However, while a large percentage of Democratic and Republican local party officials are members of interest groups, only a relatively small percentage reported being recruited to party activism through their group involvement. The survey provides little support for the thesis that interest groups have systematically tried to “take over” grassroots party organizations.     

从民到人的历史切换--深刻理解"以人为本"的新视角

在近代西方,人是一个类概念,从中发展出自由、平等等抽象价值。中国自古以来没有与之相应的人的概念,而只有民的概念,民与官处于对立之中。中国共产党创造性地把人与民两个概念结合起来,并提出以人为本的宗旨,从而实现了对人的理解的历史性转折。     

Participants in the nuclear weapons freeze movement

Explanations of why people participate in social movements are usually ad hoc combinations of ideology, social support, and ecological factors. This survey of Californians active in the nuclear freeze movement found that rather than structural isolation, as suggested by collective behavior tradition, the participants displayed links to Democratic Party organizations and the previous anti-Vietnam War movement. At least some social movements may become institutionalized to the degree that paradigms from areas such as political sociology of institutions are needed. Social movements may have evolved beyond their earlier collective behavior origins.     

The impact of tax rates, political partisanship and economic variables on the distribution of state and local tax burdens

This study finds that the effective state and local tax rate for the top 1% of income households as a percentage of the effective state and local tax rate for the bottom 20% of income households in 2002 is significantly influenced by whether a state has a multi-rate income tax, right-to-work laws, the liberalism of a state's electorate, the average tax burden in a state and past tax policy. Democratic Party strength in state government, Republican or Democratic Party institutional control of state government, change in real per capita income, a Democratic Governor and the change in the share of income going to the top 1% of income households are not significant predictors. The empirical results are identical for the top 2-5% of income households to the bottom 20% of income households.     

目的与效用：政体德性的两面——毛泽东民主集中制政体思想新探

民主集中制政体是毛泽东根据新民主主义共和国的国体确定的,其根本任务是建设几个革命阶级联合专政的共和国,实现共和国无支配自由的根本目的。新民主主义共和国的国体反映在民主集中制政体上,形成混合均衡的共和政体,因而共和是民主集中制政体的政治性质、核心理念和实践模式。本文认为,民主集中制是无支配自由与共和模式有机结合的德性实现;而两者的扭曲结合则造成民主集中制政体的蜕变,以致给共和国与人民带来无穷祸害和灾难。     

Black Voters,Black Candidates,and Social Issues: Does Party Identification Matter?*

Objective. Much is known about voting behavior generally; less is known about voting behavior of African Americans in particular due in part to the overwhelming support of black voters for Democratic candidates. However, some argue that black conservatism on social issues could lead to more Republican voting. Methods. We test this question with a set of data on black voting behavior in a 2004 congressional race where two black candidates ran against each other. We thus hold race of candidate constant and look at the influence of social issues and party identification on black vote choice. Results. We find evidence to suggest that evangelicalism and support for the war in Iraq is related to being Republican, but that Democratic Party identification plays the dominant role in black voter decision making. Conclusions. Black conservatism on at least certain social issues is real and has the potential to influence vote choice, but the influence of Democratic Party allegiance is still a very powerful cue for black voters.     

Cultural practice and utopian desire in German Social Democracy: Reading Adolf Levenstein's Arbeiterfrage (1912)

During the Wilhelmine period, leaders of the German Social Democratic Party began to redefine socialism as a 'cultural movement' which was concerned as much with the educational, artistic and leisure-time needs of workers as it was with trade union struggles and the future prospect of revolutionary social transformation. This drew them into a debate about the relationship between politics and 'culture', understood in terms of both 'high' and 'mass' culture, and the role of the latter in mobilizing German workers to the cause of socialism. Drawing on the methods of cultural studies, this article offers a close reading of Adolf Levenstein's important survey of the attitudes, 'hopes and wishes' of male rank-and-file Social Democrats and trade unionists from 1912, and his other related publications, in order to examine the ways in which German workers assigned meanings to cultural texts. In this way, it identifies the utopian political investments revealed in workers' leisure-time practices, ranging from poetry writing to novel reading, and their challenges to the structuring binarisms - oppositions between culture and politics, high culture and mass culture, art and everyday life, the masculine and the feminine, and reality and fantasy - of Social Democratic cultural politics in pre-war Germany.     

罗斯福执政前期在文官任用方面实行的"政治庇护制"

罗斯福就任总统之前,美国文官"功绩制"的范围越来越大,与此同时,文官制度本身也通过国会立法,处于初步的改善之中,美国文官制度的发展开始步入规范化的轨道。但是罗斯福在任职前期推行的"政治庇护制"却打断了文官制度自身发展的进程,使美国文官制度的发展一度偏离了原来的方向。罗斯福实行的"政治庇护制"是指不通过"功绩制"的文官分类办法,直接用政治手段来任命文官的原则。它的特点是思想意识和知识能力的庇护,罗斯福使用"政治庇护制"的目的是用行政领域的改革来保证"新政"措施得到高效率地贯彻和执行。从行政效率的角度看,"政治庇护制"是有效的,罗斯福在运用"政治庇护制"过程中促进了美国行政体制和官制向现代制转变。     

构建重大群体性事件源头化解机制的瓶颈及解决对策

构建重大群体性事件源头化解机制的瓶颈问题,在党务方面集中表现为党的基层组织在人民群众中的地位弱化、在非公有制经济中的缺失与边缘化,以及与此相对应的非制度化的社会控制能力下降;而在政府方面则主要集中于情报收集体制的不健全与信访制度的亟待完善。解决的对策为:在党务方面主要是通过化解干群矛盾加以实现,在政务方面则主要通过构建情报收集机制以及完善国家信访制度两个途径加以解决。