海合会与欧盟自贸区谈判的回顾与展望

海合会与欧盟有关建立自贸区的谈判已经持续了20多年。2008年欧盟在与海合会签署自贸区协议的最后一刻突然反悔,拒绝在协议文本上签字,海合会方面随后愤而宣布搁置与欧盟的相关谈判。双方在这一问题上的互不妥协立场,导致谈判再陷僵局。本文试图通过分析双方的经贸关系、回顾双方的谈判历程,来探讨谈判陷入僵局的深层次原因以及打破这种僵局的可能性,并为正在进行的中国与海合会之间的自贸区谈判提供政策建议。     

海合会与欧盟自贸区谈判的回顾与展望

海合会与欧盟有关建立自贸区的谈判已经持续了20多年。2008年欧盟在与海合会签署自贸区协议的最后一刻突然反悔,拒绝在协议文本上签字,海合会方面随后愤而宣布搁置与欧盟的相关谈判。双方在这一问题上的互不妥协立场,导致谈判再陷僵局。本文试图通过分析双方的经贸关系、回顾双方的谈判历程,来探讨谈判陷入僵局的深层次原因以及打破这种僵局的可能性,并为正在进行的中国与海合会之间的自贸区谈判提供政策建议。     

中国与海合会国家的经贸关系

中国与海合会国家的贸易长期维持着以制成品换原油的格局,近年自海合会国家的非油气商品进口迅速增长,其中主要是石化产品。海合会国家石化产品将冲击中国市场,国内有关石化企业应积极准备应对即将到来的挑战。非油气进口商品的增长将加剧中方逆差,可以扩大服务贸易等方式平衡双边贸易。中国在海合会国家的承包工程业务正向大型化发展,但原有廉价劳务优势在逐步减弱,应尽早实施属地化经营。海合会是中国重要的贸易伙伴,中海自贸区谈判不宜久拖不决。     

伊朗与海合会成员国关系研究

伊朗与阿拉伯海湾合作委员会成员国是隔海相望的近邻，但地理位置的接近并未使双方成为好邻居、好伙伴，反而加重了海合会成员国对伊朗扩张野心的担忧。伊拉克战争后，原本由伊拉克和海合会联手制衡伊朗的“三角关系”被破坏，海湾局势随着伊朗的“被崛起”以及伊朗核问题的演变而面临深刻的变化。本文试图从伊朗的扩张意图和海合会成员国的担忧、海合会成员国遏制伊朗的战略以及目前双方较量的关键问题等方面，分析伊朗与海合会成员国之间的关系，并探讨这一关系的未来走向。     

伊朗与海合会成员国关系研究

伊朗与阿拉伯海湾合作委员会成员国是隔海相望的近邻,但地理位置的接近并未使双方成为好邻居、好伙伴,反而加重了海合会成员国对伊朗扩张野心的担忧。伊拉克战争后,原本由伊拉克和海合会联手制衡伊朗的"三角关系"被破坏,海湾局势随着伊朗的"被崛起"以及伊朗核问题的演变而面临深刻的变化。本文试图从伊朗的扩张意图和海合会成员国的担忧、海合会成员国遏制伊朗的战略以及目前双方较量的关键问题等方面,分析伊朗与海合会成员国之间的关系,并探讨这一关系的未来走向。     

FTA建设下中国与海合会经贸关系研究

海合会国家是我国推进"一带一路"战略中的重要地区,本文重点分析了中国与海合会经贸关系的发展现状及中海FTA建设的主要障碍。2001~2013年,中国与海合会国家的双边贸易总额增长了近15倍,中国成为海合会第二大石油进口国,沙特、阿联酋是中国在中东地区排名第一和第二位的贸易伙伴。中国对海合会国家直接投资增长快,但规模较小,海合会对中国的投资集中于石化和金融领域,海合会国家是中国对外工程承包的重要市场。中国与海合会已经举行了五轮FTA谈判,中国应抓住此次国际油价暴跌的机会,加大从海合会进口原油的力度和规模,加快建设石油战略储备,借助建立中海自贸区消除石油贸易的"亚洲升水"问题,推动我国与海合会国家的"1+2+3"经贸合作格局的形成。     

中国对海合会国家的经济外交——国际体系转型与地缘经济的视角

20世纪八十年代末以来,尤其是进入21世纪后,随着全球化的不断深入,国际体系转型加剧,各种全球性议题中,国家间或国家与区域组织的经济关系已成为各自需首先解决的问题。中国与海合会国家作为后发国家,在此期间的国内外环境经历着巨大的冲击,双方发展在地缘经济上呈极强互补趋势,自贸区建设谈判也一直在议题之中。中国在总体发展战略和外交布局下,着力提升经济外交,海合会国家则是中国加强对发展中国家经济外交实践的重要对象之一。本文试探讨双边地缘经济联系,梳理中国与其经济外交脉络,明晰在当前国际体系转型和金融危机背景下,各自的利益诉求,展望双方进一步合作以达共赢发展的前景。     

中国对海合会国家的经济外交——国际体系转型与地缘经济的视角

20世纪八十年代末以来,尤其是进入21世纪后,随着全球化的不断深入,国际体系转型加剧,各种全球性议题中,国家间或国家与区域组织的经济关系已成为各自需首先解决的问题。中国与海合会国家作为后发国家,在此期间的国内外环境经历着巨大的冲击,双方发展在地缘经济上呈极强互补趋势,自贸区建设谈判也一直在议题之中。中国在总体发展战略和外交布局下,着力提升经济外交,海合会国家则是中国加强对发展中国家经济外交实践的重要对象之一。本文试探讨双边地缘经济联系,梳理中国与其经济外交脉络,明晰在当前国际体系转型和金融危机背景下,各自的利益诉求,展望双方进一步合作以达共赢发展的前景。     

海合会应对中东剧变的措施及其影响

2010年中东剧变中海合会国家均受到不同程度冲击,各国采取措施应对,使海合会势力不断上升,成为中东君主制国家和逊尼派国家加强合作、应对地区变局的重要平台。剧变中各国探索转型期间政治改革,巩固了政权,加速现代化进程,使海合会代加强了地区影响;各国进行经济改革,加速经济一体化进程和自贸区建设。但改革不会一蹴而就,石油市场仍是影响海合会成员国经济增长率的决定性因素。革命成功与否海合会都将在阿拉伯政治中发挥强大有效的作用,在发生剧变的国家重建中承担新责任。     

中东剧变以来的东盟与海合会关系研究

中东剧变对阿拉伯世界整体格局和阿拉伯板块在国际体系中的地位产生了深刻影响。阿拉伯世界转型促使海合会正不断向阿拉伯君主共同体转型,也加快了东盟本身及其许多成员国的民主化进程。面对当前海合会从海湾次地区力量迈向中东地区性力量的战略走向,东盟在政治与经济层面加强了与海合会的协作,海合会的大国外交战略也将不断变化中的东盟纳入其重要战略目标领域。尽管如此,双边政治合作仍滞后于经贸合作,东盟—海合会自由贸易区仍是未来的首要目标。     

以高校校报的创新发展加强党建育人工作

加强高校党建育人工作,筑牢抵御＂和平演变＂及思想渗透的钢铁长城,具有深远而重大的战略意义。高校校报作为党的喉舌耳目和重要宣传舆论工具,理所应当在加强党建育人工作中发挥重要而积极的作用。     

Private property and the problem of the miraculous: the kramats and the city of Cape Town

This paper seeks to explore the place of kramats the graves of Muslim saints or Auliyah – in the landscape of contemporary Cape Town. The kramat sites have been proclaimed as heritage sites because of their importance as tangible signs of Islam at the Cape. At the same time, the process of the kramats becoming heritage sites has contained moments of intense, often sensational, public contestation. Offering a reading of the discourses surrounding two contested kramats in Cape Town, this paper explores the way kramats mark out a miraculous space in the prosaic modern city and introduce into the post-apartheid evaluation of heritage, alternative conceptions of space and notions of temporality. They are sites of impossibility where, it is claimed, the laws of nature themselves are interrupted to mark the intangible particularities of the site. This paper explores what happens when this miraculous space is subject to the demands of private property and municipal law and the conflicts that arise from this collision of different conceptual and experiential modalities. It considers the effects of the entanglement of legend and history that result from the production of these sites as heritage in a market-driven economy.     

Disappointing and deviant youth and the rage of the elders

A generalized adult hostility toward youth derives from the complexities of the parent/child relationship, often mirrored in the helper/client and therapist/patient dyads. Parents derive considerable or little narcissistic gain from the accomplishments of their offspring, and conversely, are disappointed or even mortified by their failures. This is particularly true of narcissistically vulnerable parents—helpers and therapists as well—and accounts for widespread attitudes of competition, disparagement, and outright hostility toward young people. In the extreme, the pathological situations of emotional exploitation, incest, and physical abuse occur, but lesser forms of exploitation, such as personally gratifying advocacy, political gain, cultism, and enhancement of professional status, point to similar, but seemingly less destructive, forms of narcissistic gain. Youth may respond by conforming, defying, disappointing, and deviating. Adults may be either pleased, or enraged.     

On the expansion of the market and the decline of the family

Over the past two hundred years, large, modern firms have tended to replace small, family businesses. In parallel, the family has declined as a social institution. We suggest that these developments are interrelated. Because information of cheating in market transactions spreads only gradually in large markets, the reputation of the family firm could support contractual performance only in small, traditional markets. As markets grew in size, this reputational mechanism could no longer operate. The small, family firm was then replaced by the large, modern firm. This transition led to a decrease in the importance of the family.      

The Manifestation of Senses and Memory in the Obese and the Family of the Obese

No abstract available for this article.     

Modernity and the Contingency of the Public

The idea of a public contingent on its participants is the analogue of resonance to music because neither would make sense without the other. This article introduces the concept of modernity as a framing device and explains the occlusion of the private by the public. Secondly, the article illustrates the Legal-Autonomous Public Model, and the Multiple Public Model in the work of John Dewey, Walter Lippmann, and Kenneth J. Arrow. Public space is what Foucault was alleged to have called '´ecriture', which refers to a convergence of and intermixing of signifiers within a de-gendered setting (hence ´ecriture, as opposed to l'´ecriture). The great contest between Lippmann and Dewey in the 1920s signified a clashing of the two interpretations of the public with one arguing about the need for a return to a constitutionally guaranteed, left-of-centre public philosophy that would entertain the elite while taking care of the poor, and the other a plea for a rationalistic recourse that surmised and envisaged rational public discourse as only one of several possible publics. The article concludes with the notion that the constructions of public space defined by Dewey, Lippmann, and Arrow promote distinct yet related interrogations of public space that is more than an agora of resonating ideas, but includes a kind of automatic reverberation on its own axes.     

Women and the Emergence of the NAACP

This article discusses contributions of women to the emergence of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Using network analysis, the author studied affiliations between African American and White women who signed “The Call,” a petition calling for a national conference to obtain civil rights for African Americans. These links led to the origin of one of the most successful organizations in the fight for equality. Their experiences reflect the segregation and conflicts of the era. They also suggest strategies for facing cultural issues today. Teaching about social work history, its legacy of reform, and its commitment to social justice gained from the social movements of the Progressive Era can help social work students, most of whom are women, understand how social change can occur.     

Altruism and the Endurance of the Good

Egoism is a pervasive trait in modern market societies that encourages people to focus upon their own self-interest above all else. Third-sector organizations, by contrast, are frequently termed altruistic. This essay elucidates the meaning of altruism as it applies to these organizations. Moral altruism means direct concern for another's well being—whoever that person might be. This study rejects psychological egoism as a meaningful psychological theory, and ethical egoism as a coherent moral position; it discusses empirical studies of altruism in rescuers of Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe as proof against the former form of egoism and Kant's moral theory against the latter. The essay then argues that altruism is a form of public action in Hannah Arendt's sense of this term. The essay concludes that third-sector organizations are altruistic insofar as they engage in public action, thereby, treating beneficiaries with respect for their individuality.     

Brexit and the Future of the Left

The referendum on British membership in the European Union divided not only the society in the UK but also the left both in Britain and all over the continent. This division however is produced not so much by this specific debate but by a deeper problem of the left capitulating ideologically and accepting neoliberalism as something objectively inevitable (even without publically recognizing it), replacing class struggle by ‘progressive’ cultural values that themselves form an essential part of the new capitalist hegemony. Leftist intelligentsia with its cultural critique of capitalism is no alternative to the current system, rather it is one of its pillars. While class division was very visible in the Brexit vote, with the working class and poor massively voting for ‘Leave’, most of the left either sided with the establishment or was wavering. Thus the success of the ‘Leave’ vote can be claimed by nationalists. Even after this political disaster instead criticizing itself leftist intelligentsia is blaming the people for being provincial and not accepting their progressive European values. However it was exactly the mass of common people in England who by voting for ‘Leave’ contributed to the formation of the new European agenda. Overcoming and unmaking bureaucratic, authoritarian, and neoliberal EU institutions is the only way to progress towards the making of a new democratic Europe.