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1.
《人口学刊》2018,(1):18-32
近年来,我国政府在制度上对虐童行为进行了积极的干预,一系列相关法规的出台大大优化了儿童的成长空间。但是有关农村地区的校园欺凌、家庭暴力及社会侵害事件仍然不绝于耳,个别案件甚至发人深省。因此,有关我国儿童虐待防范的效果究竟如何、儿童虐待有无人群差异及儿童虐待行为的生成原因等问题就具有极强的研究价值。本研究利用涵盖我国中西部六个省份6 050名农村女童的调查数据库,试图利用实证方法回应上述三个实践困惑。研究发现:针对我国中西部农村女童的虐待行为并不严重,但是遭受过虐待的比例却达到了总数的三成,并以强制体罚、故意辱骂和情感忽视作为最主要的表现形式;农村女童的虐待风险基于地区和年级具有显著分化,贫困地区与低龄女童的虐待风险显著升高,单亲女童、独居女童、留守女童、家庭贫困女童等困境儿童的受虐状况同比普通女童均更为恶化;农村女童的虐待风险主要受到儿童表现与家庭资本的深刻影响,与亲子关系之间的关联较为有限,以爱为借口的惩罚性动机是目前虐待的深层次诱发原因。我国应当继续深化对于低强度虐待行为的控制,强化针对困境儿童的特殊保护,并以增强家庭资本作为主要突破点。  相似文献   

2.
孙丹  钱佳 《南方人口》2020,35(3):33-45
基于中国教育追踪调查(CEPS)基线调查数据,本文采用IV-ordered Probit模型探讨了留守对农村儿童与父母之间亲子关系的影响及其异质性。研究发现:第一,相对于非留守儿童而言,留守儿童认为与父亲、母亲关系"很亲近"的概率分别低11.7%、16.0%;第二,母外留守导致儿童与父亲、母亲关系"很亲近"的概率低26.7%、40.6%;第三,双外留守对儿童与父母双方的关系均具有显著的负效应,留守儿童与父亲、母亲关系"很亲近"的概率分别降低了14.7%、15.8%。笔者认为应进一步强化家庭监护主体责任,充分发挥学校教育的重要作用,同时也要调动社会各方面的力量,为留守儿童的健康发展创造良好的外部环境。本文对揭示家庭内部的人际关系、完善青少年人格个性的培养具有直接意义,也对进一步促进新型城镇化背景下的"城乡一体化"发展策略以及公共服务均等化具有间接意义。  相似文献   

3.
本文在较大规模问卷抽样调查的基础上,对流动儿童与留守儿童的社会化结果的比较分析发现。留守儿童在性格特征、基本生活技能、人际交往、规范遵守、奋斗目标、成人角色等六个方面的社会化不及流动儿童。文章最后从社会化主体的角度对这一差异进行了理论分析与解释。  相似文献   

4.
安徽省界首市砖集镇真情关爱留守儿童,真心关怀留守妇女,真实关心留守老人,积极营造文明、和谐的良好社会风气。真情关爱留守儿童。该镇依托两所寄宿制学校、10个村的"农家书屋"和镇人口文化大院,让近3000名留守儿童白天在"爱心妈妈、爱心老师"的照顾下学习,晚上在镇文化大院观看经典红色电影,让留守儿童快乐、健康的成长。  相似文献   

5.
姜又春 《南方人口》2007,22(3):31-37
本文通过对一个农村社区的民族志调查,描述了该社区"留守儿童"生成的主要原因及当地人自行解决"留守儿童"问题而充分调动起来的亲属网络资源.在对当地亲属网络进行深描的基础上,讨论了解决农村"留守儿童"问题两个务实的措施.  相似文献   

6.
马磊 《人口研究》2017,(6):16-32
婚姻壁垒是测量不同社会群体通婚难易程度的重要指标。当前中国社会不同群体间的婚姻壁垒究竟有多高?以往研究虽有涉及,但未重点讨论并进行定量测量。文章利用2012~2013年"社会发展与社会建设"全国调查数据,测量不同教育水平、社会阶层地位和收入水平群体间的婚姻壁垒状况。对数线性模型和序列逻辑斯谛回归分析结果表明:教育婚姻壁垒最高的是男大女小的传统婚配年龄组;阶层婚姻壁垒的强度随着阶层地位的提升而增加;收入水平越高的男女双方结婚的概率越高,相比中等收入及以下群体,中高收入和高收入群体内部通婚概率更高。婚姻壁垒高高竖起,各类同质婚而非交换婚是当前社会婚姻匹配的主要模式,社会不平等通过婚姻壁垒得以塑造和延续。  相似文献   

7.
《人口学刊》2018,(1):33-44
在城乡流动的社会背景下,受到现实家庭压力增加和情感互动变化的影响,农民工的婚姻关系面临较大冲击和挑战。传统的社会文化规范使婚姻暴力行为在家庭范围内合理化。婚姻暴力是家庭暴力的主要方面,是夫妻双方在婚姻互动中面临冲突和矛盾时出现的一种"婚姻危机"。本研究通过2013年12月在深圳市P区进行农村流动人口抽样调查发现农民工实施精神暴力的比例为33.14%,而实施肢体暴力的比例为12.23%,精神暴力在农民工家庭中更为常见。运用Mlogit回归分析发现工作压力会增加农民工实施精神暴力的风险,家庭照料压力会同时增加农民工实施精神暴力和肢体暴力的风险,经济压力对农民工实施婚姻暴力没有显著影响。婚姻不满意会显著增加农民工实施婚姻暴力的风险且对肢体暴力的影响更加显著。因此,精神暴力和肢体暴力既是压力型也是情感型暴力,但对比可知精神暴力更多是压力型暴力,而肢体暴力更多是情感型暴力。进一步分析发现即使在婚姻满意度较高的情况下,随着某些家庭压力的增加,农民工也可能实施精神暴力。精神暴力具有隐密性,不易察觉,但通常对人的身心造成深层次的伤害。在家庭压力较大且婚姻不满意的情况下,肢体暴力的发生可能性显著提高,这将严重损害婚姻福利和家庭完整性。  相似文献   

8.
钱佳  崔晓楠 《西北人口》2024,(3):117-126
中国离婚率的走高引起了社会各界的广泛关注,夫妻相识方式对婚姻稳定性的影响有待进一步探究。在当前自由恋爱式为主流的婚配背景下,学习和工作场域成为适婚个体在婚姻市场认识潜在对象最重要的两个场域,因此在学校或工作场所相识成为夫妻相识的主要方式。文章基于2010~2018年五期中国家庭追踪调查(CFPS)数据,采用事件史分析方法研究“学校相识”和“工作场所相识”两类相识方式对婚姻稳定性的影响。研究发现:(1)“学校相识”比“工作场所相识”的婚姻稳定性显著更高,前者的离婚风险约为后者的39.043%;(2)“工作场所相识”的离婚风险峰值出现更早,约在婚后7年,而“学校相识”的峰值出现在13年左右;(3)分教育程度看,高教育程度群体在“学校相识”比“工作场所相识”的婚姻稳定性更高,其中前者的离婚风险约为后者的45.611%,而低教育程度群体内不存在该差异;(4)分出生队列看,相识方式对婚姻稳定性的效用在不同出生队列组中均显著且比较稳健。在理论和实证分析基础上,文章呈现了夫妻不同相识方式对婚姻稳定性的影响,讨论集中于婚姻稳定性维度。然而,稳定的婚姻不一定是令人满意的、幸福的婚姻。因此,研究结论并不能...  相似文献   

9.
今年以来,江西省贵溪市金屯镇组建一支由30人组成的计生志愿者服务队,进村人户为计生家庭送关爱、送温暖,提升幸福指数。服务队由镇计生办工作人员与各村计生协会会员共同组成,集中为计生家庭中的困难户、空巢老人、留守儿童开展一对一的帮扶活动。针对不同家庭的需求,该服务队按照成员各自特长分成了致富帮扶组、技术指导组、关爱慰问组等若干个服务小分队,实行个性化服务,为每个计生家庭量身定做"服务套餐",对计生家庭中的困难户,围绕生产生活,为他们  相似文献   

10.
王兆萍  王雯丽 《人口学刊》2020,42(1):99-112
随着技术进步和女性人力资本水平的提高,男性和女性的劳动生产率差异逐渐缩小,但性别工资差距在我国是否缩小?全面开放的"二胎政策"又是否加深了女性就业困境?本文使用CGSS 2015数据,从结婚、生育角度出发,运用工具变量法、分位数回归、Oaxaca-blinder分解等方法考察婚育事件对劳动力工资的影响及其作用机制,探讨婚育视角下的性别工资差距问题,提出相应对策建议以促进性别公平。研究首先通过对城镇劳动力的婚姻状态和生育情况与工资性收入进行实证分析,发现在控制了个人特征、人力资本、职业性质和地区等因素后,性别工资差距仍显著存在且婚育事件拉大了该差距。其中结婚使男女劳动力的工资水平均有所提高,但由于原始工资水平的差异和溢价大小的不同,性别工资差距被拉大;生育使男性工资增长,女性工资缩水,这同样加大了性别工资差距。其次基于分位数回归结果进行Oaxaca-blinder平均工资差异分解,结果显示随着收入的增加,性别工资差距在缩小,但婚姻和生育对此差距的解释力度却越来越大且相对稳定。即低收入群体的工资差距较大,但婚育对该差距的解释力度较小,相反高收入群体的性别工资差距较小,但婚育对该差距的贡献却很大。因此,缩小婚姻和生育造成的性别工资差距、消除性别歧视、保障女性职业的可持续发展是亟待解决的问题。  相似文献   

11.
利用中国家庭动态调查( CFPS)2012年数据,以儿童问卷中心理健康量表的测量结果为因变量,以反事实因果推论框架为基础,利用倾向得分匹配方法和异质性效应模型,探讨了人口流动对儿童心理健康的异质性影响作用。分析结果表明,儿童自身的流动会改善部分儿童的心理健康,但并不适用于全部儿童;越不可能流动的儿童,如果他们流动以后,其心理健康改善的幅度也越大;而父母亲的流动在某种意义上并不会影响留守儿童的心理健康。这些结果反映了人口流动的异质性影响作用。  相似文献   

12.
陈国华 《西北人口》2010,31(5):82-87
留守儿童能否得到优质的学校教育,与教师的认知与态度是分不开的。本次调查发现,绝大多数农村中小学教师认为留守儿童与非留守儿童之间存在较大的差异,父母外出后,给孩子成长带了较大的负面影响。因绝大多数农村中小学教师主要是根据他们日常生活中与留守儿童的接触,从而形成对其的总体印象,因此,我们可以认为,农村中小学教师对留守儿童的总体评价与判断是比较可靠的。同时,调查也发现农村基层教育系统尤其是处在农村教育第一线的教师对留守儿童教育问题比较重视,但要警惕将留守儿童"标签化"的危险。  相似文献   

13.
Parents are contradictorily positioned within the “sexualisation of childhood” debate. They (“we”) are assumed to be concerned about sexualisation, and are urged to challenge it through campaigning, “saying no,” discussing “media messages” with children, and so on. Yet “irresponsible” consumption practices, particularly by mothers, are also held responsible for sexualisation. We argue that parental concern may be overstated: participants in our qualitative research into “sexualised goods” tended not to perceive their own children as “sexualised,” did not accept that products are inherently sexualised, and subscribed to ideas about child development and “good” parenting that entailed letting children make their own decisions about such items. Nonetheless, mothers are increasingly compelled to participate in the “sexualisation debate,” and doing so appears to encourage perpetual self-scrutiny and surveillance of others to maintain boundaries between “acceptable,” peer-group-appropriate and “inappropriate” practices and choices. In this sense sexualisation can be seen as a site for the formation of ethical, responsibilised parent subjectivities. We argue that it has costs for (working-class) women and girls in particular: it naturalises social inequalities by obscuring the constraints on individual choice, converges with older discourses that make women responsible for male sexual violence, and reinforces narrow and conventional moral agendas.  相似文献   

14.
This article draws on British newspaper reports in order to demonstrate that trolling, and the media’s subsequent framing of trolling, involves “silencing strategies.” It is important to examine how trolling is discussed within the media to understand how it might frame public opinion, debate, and action, and implicitly victim blame. The article presents findings on the forms of (online) abuse and behaviours related to trolling in media reports, including rape threats, death threats, and body shaming. It also explores the media portrayal of victims of trolling, and the advice given concerning how to respond to trolls. To comply with the message to women, which is propagated in media and popular discourses: “do not feed the troll” means that “symbolic violence” is exercised with the complicity of the victim(s) of trolling, which has broader implications.  相似文献   

15.
Which of the three dimensions of Allardt’s model, “having, loving, and being”, best predicts the incidence of subjective feeling of well-being among the Canadian Arctic Inuit adults? To answer this question, two logistic regression equations have been constructed, one based on a negative assessment of well-being (feeling of despair), and the other on a positive assessment (satisfaction with life in the community). Each of them took first the form of a global model, and then of three scale models, one for each dimension of the Allardt’s model. The equations are likely to be more effective for predicting the incidence of Inuit’s feeling of satisfaction than for anticipating their feeling of despair. Furthermore, the “being” scale model is the one that will have contributed most to the predictive performance of the global model. In other words, what the Inuit “ARE” contributes more to the incidence of their satisfaction with life than what they “HAVE” or what they “LOVE”.  相似文献   

16.
ABSTRACT

The transition from “wife” to “caregiver” for a cognitively impaired husband can be an overwhelming experience. Communication patterns change and small conflicts can grow, at times bringing angry feelings and new burdens. Engagement with forgiveness processes may benefit wives by lowering resentment over past tensions, restoring trust, and enhancing the overall caregiving experience. This study examined the utility of the Enright Forgiveness Inventory (EFI) within a sample of caregiving wives. Our intent was to better understand this population’s experience with forgiveness when other contextual factors were likely to influence this process. Forgiveness scores on the EFI were positively related to the cognitive status of the care recipient, a particularly important finding for clinical intervention, and inversely related to marital distress and state anxiety.  相似文献   

17.
Have radical discourses about children's sexual liberation/empowerment become normative technologies of neoliberal governmentality? How do we see sexualised representations of girls and what does the sexualised child look like? A contemporary consensus between media narratives and radical cultural critiques about the dangerous intolerance of child sexual abuse (CSA) moral panics suggests that the CSA moral panic discourse is caught up in the neoliberal “regulation of intolerance” (Brown 2006) through the governance of the gaze. Focusing on the 2008 Australian media event that erupted over Bill Henson's “art” photographs of naked girls, this article analyses how a perception that the images sexualised children was governed by experts as a reactionary and perverse CSA moral panic gaze. I argue that this form of governance depends on the exclusion of the political gaze of the survivor, a gaze that has been vital to a feminist critique of hetero-normative paedophilia. Re-claiming an affective feminist gaze involves thinking beyond the upwardly mobile discourse of CSA moral panic and through the occluded question of the sexual politics of paedophilia.  相似文献   

18.
This article traces the shifting meaning of “date rape” in US newspapers across a fourteen-year period. A crime category created by a niche feminist press, “date rape” originally referred to a form of intimate-partner violence, and has, more latterly, come to refer predominantly to an assault that occurs after a victim has had a drug, such as Rohypnol, surreptitiously slipped into her drink. Employing quantitative content analysis to explicate this shift, the article considers possible explanations for the changing meaning of “date rape,” including the applicability of the risk thesis and criminological theory on the de-politicisation of crime. Finally, I suggest that a feminist perspective allows us to recognise that “date rape” has been transformed from an issue of female disempowerment into a nebulous threat of limited ideological significance.  相似文献   

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