贵州布依族民居美

作为建筑文化形态特征的布依族民居,如同贵州其它少数民族民居一样,伴随着人类文明史的进程而发展。它的风姿,展示和映照着布依族人民改造自然、创建家园的勇敢精神;也体现了勤劳与审美智慧的创造成果。这对于我们今天研究和发展文化、建筑及艺术,都有着深刻的启迪。     

贵州布依族消费文化及其当代价值研究

贵州布依族消费文化蕴含着丰富的价值,非常符合当下"五大"发展理念。通过对贵州布依族三大土语区的调查,从消费文化的物质层、观念层、制度层发现贵州布依族消费文化特点,挖掘其内在的积极价值,为民族地区消费升级和小康社会建成提供启迪。     

清代红枫湖周边流域布依族地区治理研究

红枫湖周边流域的布依族现主要集中在清镇市、花溪区和平坝县这三个地区。虽然布依族文化与汉文化差异甚远,但它们共同之处皆在于为了稳定内部社会。清王朝意识到布依族文化与汉文化在很多方面有冲突成分,因此治理之时主要采取渐进的改土归流方式。     

清代红枫湖周边流域布依族地区治理研究

红枫湖周边流域的布依族现主要集中在清镇市、花溪区和平坝县这三个地区.虽然布依族文化与汉文化差异甚远,但它们共同之处皆在于为了稳定内部社会.清王朝意识到布依族文化与汉文化在很多方面有冲突成分,因此治理之时主要采取渐进的改土归流方式.     

布依族人民的代表

金色的阳光,驱散了紧裹麻山的晨雾。喧天的锣鼓,打破了山寨的宁静。不一会,一群身着节日盛装的男女老少,难舍难分地欢送着一位青年走出了寨子。原来,今年国务院批准成立贵州省镇宁布依族苗族自治县。该县第一届人民代表大会第一次会议就要开幕了,那位小伙子,就是麻山     

布依族禁忌中的文化因子与布依地区社会和谐发展

布依禁忌是布依地区共同的文化事象,承载着布依人民共同的心理特征。随着时代的发展,布依禁忌在不断的演变。科学对待布依禁忌,对促进布依地区的"两个文明"建设与社会经济发展具有重要意义。     

贵州凯里地区苗族民居考察

<正>贵州凯里地区黔东南苗族侗族自治州是全国最大的苗族同胞聚居地,也是苗族山寨最为集中的地区,比较著名的有雷山县西江千户寨、郎德上寨、大塘寨、开觉寨、从江县岜沙寨。2007年5月,我们课题组人员一行,先后来到上述五个苗家山寨对其民居进行了实地考察,深入地了解苗族民居的建筑     

贵州民族地区经济发展的制约因素分析

经济发展是多种因素综合作用的结果。贵州少数民族地区经济发展缓慢,与全省和全国的差距继续担大,其原因是多方面的。本文主要从地理环境、民族传统、人力资源三个方面分析贵州民族地区经济发展何以发展迟缓。     

儒学在贵州少数民族地区的传播影响

儒学自两汉始在贵州少数民族地区有了初步的传入影响,并随着历史的演进而渐进增强。汉代中央王朝对西南夷的开发,孕育出主动习儒传儒、开发民智的“汉三贤”。明代贵州建省,统治者大力兴教,加之贬谪贵州的儒士王阳明创办书院讲学,当地少数民族上层积极靠拢儒学,大大促进了儒学在贵州的传播。清朝雍、乾改土归流后,书院、义学的繁盛,使儒学在贵州少数民族地区的传播影响更趋广泛、深入,以伦理为本的儒学文化逐渐被少数民族普遍认同、吸收、融汇,促进了各民族共有精神家园建设。     

黔中布依族习惯法的当代变迁

随着社会发展,布依族习惯法随之变迁。一些习惯法消亡,一些习惯法效力降低,还有一些习惯法的内容和效力得以存续并依然发挥作用。在当代变迁的过程中,布依族习惯法与国家法不断发生冲突并调试自身,使其与国家法衔接互动,获得了生存空间。未来相当长一段时期,仍将发挥作用。     

布依族的“姑娘茶”

饮茶,以茶水待客,也是布依族人的习俗。—有客人来到布依族人的家中,主人往往先递上烟,然后敬茶。在他们日常的饮料中,茶是一种最普遍和必需的饮料。布依族人用的茶叶都是自采自制,他们有时也上山去采和茶叶一样能泡开水饮用的其他植物的嫩叶,然后和茶叶一起进行加工,再     

黔中布依族习惯法的当代变迁

随着社会发展,布依族习惯法随之变迁.一些习惯法消亡,一些习惯法效力降低,还有一些习惯法的内容和效力得以存续并依然发挥作用.在当代变迁的过程中,布依族习惯法与国家法不断发生冲突并调试自身,使其与国家法衔接互动,获得了生存空间.未来相当长一段时期,仍将发挥作用.     

贵州喀斯特墓葬与民族地区的殡葬改革

Funeral and interment reform is a social revolution of changing customs and tradi-tions, which is conducive to promoting the con-struction of the socialist material, spiritual and ec-ological civilization. The replacement of burial with cremation is the direction of China’s reform on fu-neral and interment traditions. The reform itself is put forward by aiming at the disadvantages of the Han people’s traditional burial custom, however, Guizhou is a typical karst region in China, in which several forms of karst burial have existed throughout history, such as cliff coffins, cave tombs, and sarcophagi, and these customs have been continued to some certain degree up to now. Therefore, how to manage the relation between cre-mation and karst burials has a significant meaning to the respect of the ethnic minorities’ customs and promoting the funeral and interment reform in eth-nic regions. The Binzang guanli tiaoli ( Funeral and inter-ment management regulations) issued by the State Council in 1997 stipulates that “ the objective of the funeral and interment management is to carry out cremation, reform burial, save the interment land, abolish undesirable customs related to the fu-nerals and interment actively and methodically, and advocate civilized and thrifty funerary prac-tices”. That is to say, the original intentions for promoting cremation in the funeral and interment reform for many years include the advocating of thrifty funerals, reducing the burden of funerals on the masses, changing the people’s concept of luxu-rious burials, and saving the cost of funeral in the aspect of economy;banishing superstitions, getting rid of bad habits, and opposing the feudal dross in the aspect of culture; and saving resources and protecting limited cultivated land in the aspect of ecology. In general, the abolition of burial and im-plementation of cremation has become the reform direction of China’s funeral and interment system. Guizhou is a typical karst area in China. There are various forms of cliff-burying, rock tombs, sarcophagi, and cave tombs etc. , especial-ly the cave-burial which is still popular among the Waishu Miao at Taohua village in Qibo township, Pingba County and among the Qing Yao at Yaolu village in Libo County, and sarcophagus burial which is still popular among the Li clan of the Waishu Miao at Xinyi village in Guangzhao town-ship, Qinglong County. These structures reflect the karst characteris-tics of Guizhou tombs, and have an important eco-logical value. The funeral and interment reform is put forward by aiming at the drawbacks of the tra-ditional burial practices of the Han, so if the cliff burial or sarcophagus tombs which have ecological value had been forced to be replaced with crema-tion in the funeral and interment reform, it will lead to an embarrassing situation which is contrary to the original intention of the reform no matter if we consider it from cultural, economic or ecologi-cal viewpoints. Firstly, it will cause a dilemma at the cultural level. We must consider the characteristics of the funeral customs of the ethnic groups during the process of reforming the funeral and interment cus-toms in the ethnic minority areas, in other words, respect the funeral customs of ethnic minorities, as it is an important content of the CCP and the state’s policy for respecting the customs and habits of eth-nic minorities. Due to the differences in geograph-ical environment and social economy, the ethnic minorities have different funeral customs with their own characteristics. These funeral customs, as a part of ethnic culture, help to construct a ritual with a kind of ethnic identity;it is the mark of na-tional culture, which embodies ethnic emotions and maintains ethnic consciousness. The ‘univer-sal application’ in the funeral and interment sys-tem reform doubtlessly make the disappearance of karst characteristics in Guizhou’s burial culture, the diversified burial way has been replaced with single cremation, and that is not good for the pro-tection of cultural diversity. Secondly, it will cause an economic dilemma. One of the purposes of the funeral and intermentre-form is to save funeral costs, and change the con-cept of organizing luxury funerals. The traditional burial custom contains a set of complex funeral cer-emony, which is organized in a very luxurious way, spend a lot of money and increase the people’s economic burden. In contrast, cremation can save costs. However in today’s rural areas, af-ter cremation, the ashes are still buried after being put into a coffin, so it not only increases the eco-nomic burden of the people, but also does not meet the purpose for farmland conservation, hence, it is contrary to the original intention of the funeral re-form, and also causes dissatisfaction among the people. Therefore, compared with cremation, sar-cophagus and cave burial which are still popular in Guizhou are actually a more economic practice. Thirdly,it causes an ecological dilemma. The purpose of funeral reform is to save resources and protect the limited farmland. The traditional burial practice uses coffins and pile graves, which wastes wood, occupies farmland, and also pollutes the en-vironment. Therefore, the environmental protection is the premise and ultimate goal of the funeral and interment reform. Cave burial in Guizhou uses the natural caves, and does not occupy farmland; sar-cophagus burial does not use wooden coffins, so both of them belong to ecological burial practices. However, the implementation of cremation in the areas which used to conduct cave or sarcophagus-burials has created an embarrassing situation. Cave burial and sarcophagus tombs in Guizhou karst areas contain rich ecological ideas, which not only have positive social and practical significance for the protection of the ecological en-vironment of the area, but also have an important reference meaning for the promotion of “ecological funeral” or green funeral in China. Different ethnic groups and different areas have different forms of funeral customs, which have their own justifications. Therefore, the Fu-neral and Interment reform should adapt to local conditions, and take into the consideration the characteristics of the karst region in the case of Guizhou, and fully draw on the rational factors of ethnic burial. The present funeral and interment reform can take reference from the following three aspects from the ethnic burial culture of Guizhou:The first is to delimit some appropriate burial zones and maintain properly some burial customs which has ecological value. We advocate various forms of burial in these specific burial zones, for instances, tree burial of the Basha Miao in Con-gjiang country, deep burial of the Chang-clan Yao in Libo county, and sarcophagus tombs of Li-clan Waishu Miao in Qinglong County. These forms of burial with ecological protection value not only play an exemplary role for the ecological protection in ethnic regions, but also will help for the ethnic cultural inheritance. The second is to make full use of the natural characteristics of the karst area, and properly en-courage cave burial which does not take up the cul-tivated land. In this way, not only can the cave burial custom of the Yao in Libo and the Washu Miao in Pingba be kept, but also the cliff burial custom which does not take up the cultivated land could be encouraged among the residents in the karst region. This kind of cliff burial not only re-duces the waste of cultivated land, but also re-stricts the superstitious activities in the funeral. The karst area in Guizhou is very extensive, so it has a unique advantage in conducting cave burial. The funeral and interment reform can take the local conditions into consideration, and play up the ad-vantages of natural environment. Instead of empha-sizing cremation blindly, we should take the cave burial into practice. The third is to convert karst caves into ceme-tery for placing ashes so as to change the tradition-al way of building a cemetery on the hill for placing ashes in the cremation areas. In the karst area, if an area is delimited as a cremation zone, then the burial of body or burial of bone ash coffin should be prohibited. Generally, ashes should be deposi-ted in sepulchral chapels or buried in cemeteries. Although most cemeteries are built on barren hills or land, they still occupy land and waste land re-sources. The use of cement and stone materials creates white pollution. Meanwhile, the construc-tion of cemeteries destroys the mountain and causes soil erosion. Therefore, the cemetery is not the di-rection of the funeral and interment reform in the long run, and also does not meet the original inten-tion of the reform.     

西部开发与贵州民族地区生态问题

西部大开发作为我国面向新世纪所作出的重大决策 ,生态环境问题是其切入点和突破口。文章分析了贵州民族地区生态环境面临的诸多问题 ,阐述了在西部开发中加快贵州民族地区生态环境建设的对策思路 ,提出需要强化可持续发展观 ,把消除贫困与经济建设、人口控制和生态环境保护利用相结合 ;调整利益格局和帮扶方式 ;加大对外开放 ,争取政策、资金、技术的支持和协作 ;完善民族自治地方法规体系 ,促进经济社会与生态环境的协调发展     

苗族布依族聚居地特色菜的英译策略——以贵州省黔南苗族布依族自治州为例

黔南特色菜历史悠久,是黔南地区的少数民族在长期生产和生活过程中形成的民族美食,极赋地方特色和民族文化.做好特色菜的英译,是促进黔南州旅游业的发展和民族文化传播的重要手段,特色菜的英译从某种程度上说具有一定的文化外宣的战略意义.但是黔南特色菜的英译还存在着许多诸如缺译、翻译不贴切、精通翻译的人员匮乏、地方政府够不重视等问题.本文结合这些问题提出了注重中西文化差异原则、音译原则、具体菜名具体分析等策略,对黔南特色菜的英译进行一次积极的尝试.     

苗族布依族聚居地特色菜的英译策略——以贵州省黔南苗族布依族自治州为例

黔南特色菜历史悠久,是黔南地区的少数民族在长期生产和生活过程中形成的民族美食,极赋地方特色和民族文化。做好特色菜的英译,是促进黔南州旅游业的发展和民族文化传播的重要手段,特色菜的英译从某种程度上说具有一定的文化外宣的战略意义。但是黔南特色菜的英译还存在着许多诸如缺译、翻译不贴切、精通翻译的人员匮乏、地方政府够不重视等问题。本文结合这些问题提出了注重中西文化差异原则、音译原则、具体菜名具体分析等策略,对黔南特色菜的英译进行一次积极的尝试。     

布依族的木叶传情与对歌择偶

布依族青年谈情说爱的方式多种多样,浪漫而自由,具有独特的格调和韵味。 吹木叶是布依族青年男女表达爱情、寻觅知音的一种独特而广泛的方式。在布依族青年男女中,小小的一片木叶简直成了神奇的乐器。用它可吹奏多种曲调,表达丰富的感情。其声音嘹亮、悦耳、动听,且婉转悠扬。木叶可以在不宜对歌的场合和情况下,向恋人暗递信息,表述心声。在山水相隔的远外,木叶一吹,即可告知对方“我来了”,使对方也情不自禁地吹起木叶,以声相和,遥相呼应。     

族群口头传统与红军长征时期民族政策的宣传动员——以贵州布依族红军歌谣为例

红军长征时期对民族政策的宣传动员显示出中国共产党的民族政策从理论走向具体实践,而如布依族红军歌谣这样的族群口头传统则是其中重要的地方渠道,与红军自身的宣传动员形成互联互动的关系。一方面,在这些红军歌谣的文本与红军宣传的革命话语中都强调凸显了“同一与同体”这一核心概念结构,从而实现了意义的共通;另一方面,“同一与同体”的意义框架,会深化布依族群众对红军的身份认同、促成其革命意识的觉醒并发展为对红军革命理念的认同,进而在情感、理想信念等方面产生动员作用,指引着广大布依族群众积极投身于红军的革命斗争中。长征时期红军民族政策的宣传动员中所彰显的人民性、群众性的时代意蕴,为新时代党的民族工作、统战工作的开展以及中华民族共同体意识的建立提供了有益的参考。     

贵州地区集市的文化内涵及传播意义探析

明朝时期在贵州地区普遍形成的定期集市,对当地民众经济生活水平的提高无疑起到了相当重要的作用。这些进行物品交换、互通有无的便利场域,既满足了个体的消费需求,又成为生产技术交流的场所。贵州地区的集市有其独特的民族性、地域性和社会性,因而也就成为了解贵州地区经济生活、社会生活和文化生活的一个重要媒介,具有一定的研究价值。对贵州集市发展历史及其文化内涵的梳理,实际上是打开了研究贵州地区民族关系和民族交往的一扇窗口。