Radical Interactionism: Going Beyond Mead*

George Herbert Mead argues that human society is comprised of six basic institutions—language, family, economics, religion, polity, and science. I do not believe that he can be criticized for making institutions the cornerstones of a society, but he can definitely be criticized for his explanation of how our basic institutions originate, how these institutions operate in society after their inception, and how they later change, modifying society in the process. The problem with Mead's explanation of these three critical matters is that he based them on his principle of “sociality” rather than on the principle of “domination.” If Mead's principle of sociality is replaced by the principle of domination and his notion of the “generalized other” is replaced by the notion of the “phantom community,” then most of these problems can be largely solved. Thus, in this paper, I will not only point out the key problems in Mead's theory of society, but I will also offer solutions to them based on the notions of domination and the “phantom community.” The end product is a “radical interactionism” that surpasses Mead's original interactionism in identifying the part that both domination and the composite “other” play in every known human society—big and small, and past and present.     

二元论到二重性：布迪厄社会观理论研究

布迪厄反对将社会看作实体性的物质结构,以为这一结构能够被感知和触摸;也反对将社会看作是种种表象和意志,呈现于主体性的感悟中。进而言之,他反对在社会与个人、物质与精神、结构与行动等二元论范式中寻求社会所在。就此而言,布迪厄的社会观,是将社会看作是实践者及其文化所型构而成的有机生命体。这一特定的社会观,建基于他对“doxa”概念的阐释。场域与习性则构成了一种具体的二重性存在。由此,布迪厄展开了其唯物主义人类学的分析。     

Restrictive Control and Information Pathologies in Organizations

Although the relation of power to knowledge is an often discussed theme, a psychological and sociological scrutiny of the issue is lacking. A new conceptual and theoretical approach to this issue is presented here that distingushes between restrictive and promotive control. Restrictive control is a form of power exertion in which one actor pushes his wishes through against the interests of another actor. In contrast, if an actor influences the other in line with his or her interests, this is called promotive control. Information pathologies, i.e., avoidable failures of distributed information processing, are introduced as an inverse measure for the quality and quantity of knowledge production. It is hypothesized that restrictive control has negative consequences for the production of new or better knowledge, because it induces information pathologies that in turn lower the effectiveness of joint action. These two hypotheses are tested in a study on 21 successful and 21 unsuccessful innovations with a dual qualitative and quantitative approach. The interpretive analysis of interviews with the main actors of each innovation case as well as the statistical analysis of questionnaire responses by the same actors strongly corroborate both hypotheses. Methodological problems, theoretical perspectives, and practical consequences are discussed.     

自然法的古今之变:《自然社会》的思想史评析

从自然法到自然权利的范式突变是西方社会思想史和政治思想史上的重大事件。政治社会乃是自然社会,即符合人的自然性（人性）的社会,这一由亚里士多德首先系统阐述并主导着西方古代和中世纪政治思想的主流学说,到早期现代受到全面颠覆。政治社会被理解为人为脱离自然状态而通过社会契约建构而成的人造物。李猛的《自然社会》一书是对上述问题的系统讨论。该书不乏有创造性综合的见解。但本文侧重于指出其中的几点不足,包括未能发现古罗马人的自由概念与主体权利概念之间的相似之处,以及未能发现平等而不是权利对现代观念的构成性影响等等。笔者以为造成这些缺陷原因在于李猛放弃了他擅长的社会理论方法,而纯粹从观念史的角度来思考伦理和政治问题。     

城市社区的国家与社会：现实诉求和路径依赖——对Ｃ市“市长公开电话”的个案研究

一般来说,任何社会的形成都是由个人、制度和文化三种动态关系所组成的,因此,一定的社会关系就成为社会学研究的对象(邓伟志,1991)。本文的分析就建立在社会关系的分析基础之上。在当代中国城市社区,随着市场经济体制的建立和逐渐完善,随着淹没社会的国家权力在诸如经济、市场等领域的有限退出,随着万能的“单位制”的逐渐解体,市民与国家(政府)的互动关系发生了根本性大变化:一方面,市民的职业流向分布于国营、私营、外资、个体等多种经济所有制,市民对“单位”的依赖趋弱,对政府的指令依赖趋弱;另一方面,政府的职能角色定位发生改变,…     

涂尔干:道德本原与现代潮流——以自杀类型为线索

与通常的看法不同,涂尔干的《自杀论》并不是一部通过统计分析达到实证性结论的“科学”著作,在《自杀论》的四种自杀类型背后,有着关于现代社会的完整的病理学分析。本文尝试从自杀类型入手,联系涂尔干有关道德教育与原始宗教的著作,揭示涂尔干有关人性与社会之健康道德本原的思想;另一方面则从文明史的角度出发,结合涂尔干关于法国中等教育史以及政治和法律史的讨论,深入发掘涂尔干对西欧现代社会之源起和演进的思考。在涂尔干看来,正是现代社会潮流的极端化发展,导致社会的种种危机与病态。要克服现代社会的这一危险倾向,必须回到历史来考察现代潮流的源起和演进,才能在变化的现实条件下接续传统,重建人心和道德秩序。     

Harre's Social Philosophy and Political Philosophy: A Social Scientific Critique

In his article, “Saving Critical Realism,” Harre (2009 ) relates his revised philosophy of science to a social philosophy concerning the nature of society, and to a political philosophy regarding the nature of freedom and reform. I argue that his social philosophy and political philosophy rest upon an individualistic sense of society and freedom. I demonstrate that his individualism is factually and politically untenable. (I shall not comment on his philosophy of science, although the errors in his social and political philosophies make it suspect.) I counterpose an alternative social philosophy and political philosophy that are based on a structural model of society, freedom, and social change. My critique demonstrates how social science can adjudicate claims of structuralist vs. individualist social and political philosophy. It also argues that social science must constitute the basis for formulating political ideals of freedom and social organization if these are to be viable.     

Forced to work and liberated from work

The work-welfare nexus is essential in all social policy regimes. The question is in what situations individuals should be entitled to social welfare benefits and in which situations they should be obliged to work. Social welfare law and administrative practices define mechanisms that separate the deserving poor from people able to work. This article analyses the functions and character of these "separation mechanisms" in Sweden during three periods in history: a) in rural society in the late 19th century; b) in industrial society during the successful years of the Swedish model from World War II until the late 1970s; and c) the present, including the period of welfare retrenchment and reconsideration since the early 1980s. The conclusion is that Swedish social policy has always been strongly work-oriented, but the specific form and content of the work ethic has varied under the influence of different ideologies and handled in different social policy institutions. Under specific conditions the work line has been either generous or restrictive and it has been based on structural attempts to improve the opportunities to work as well as on attempts to strongly pressure the individual to work. The work line of today is seen as an interesting attempt to combine an effort to create good work through improved work conditions and an effort to reinforce elements of work enforcement in the social insurance system.     

公众舆论、市民社会与法治

公众舆论是市民社会的重要结构性要素。它作为市民社会民主权利表达的最基本方式,发挥公共领域的合法性功能,为政治的合法性提供基础。它还是权力制约机制的核心,通过舆论监督实现对公权力的制约,从而促进民主与法治的实现。然而它在垄断资本主义阶段却产生了异化,丧失了对公权力的制约功能。因此,我国在建构市民社会的过程中,在保证公众舆论发挥应有作用的同时,也要避免这种异化现象。     

Controlling Access to Sick Leave Programmes: Practices of Physicians in the Netherlands

Policymakers in industrialized countries attempt to contain the costs of sick leave and disability schemes by limiting access to include medically proven cases only. However, a person's incapacity to work cannot be fully deduced by referring to his or her medical condition. It is the question whether using more restrictive eligibility criteria that focus on medical evidence actually reduces the number of benefit recipients and makes access to employee benefit arrangements fairer. This ethnographic study shows that physicians working in Dutch illness certification practices use alternative methods to restrict access to sick leave programmes. Doctors do not control their clients in a restrictive sense of the word. Rather, they exercise control over their clients by inciting them to internalize norms about being active and responsible. While we do not claim that this is good per se, we do contend that this control style may have some advantages over and above more restrictive control mechanisms. Elaborating on policy that supports this alternative notion of control, therefore, seems worthwhile.     

亚细亚生产方式理论对马克思唯物史观的发展和完善

马克思在对东方社会理论的研究和对亚细亚生产方式基本特征的揭示过程中 ,丰富和发展了唯物史观思想。认为社会历史发展道路 ,既是统一的 ,又是多样的 ,马克思提出跨越资本主义“卡夫丁峡谷”的设想 ,不仅指出了俄国革命道路 ,更为人们提供了一种方法论。关于社会历史进程问题和社会历史尺度问题 ,马克思亦做了辩证的阐述。     

非自主回忆：普鲁斯特论个体记忆的社会性

哈布瓦赫集体记忆理论提供了“社会性”的视角,但没能深描个体创造社会的过程。普鲁斯特的记忆理论虽然也包含“社会性”维度,但并没有止步于此,而是呈现出社会与个体混融的社会形象,其中,不仅有社会的限制和引导二重性,还有个体的主动适应和创造：社会也内在于个体,个体也非纯粹的心理学意义上的个体,个体的创造离不开社会环境。这源于主客融合的立场,在这一视点下,普鲁斯特的社会形象不是二重性,而是多重的,甚至有无限可能。社会是在个体创造过程中的产物,在这一过程中,社会呈现出丰富的形象,社会的无限可能性蕴含在个体的创造过程中。     

Reply to Arthur Gould: "Pollution rituals in Sweden: the pursuit of a drug-free society"

Sweden's policy on psychoactive drugs has the objective of creating a society free of drug misuse in which drug misuse remains socially unacceptable and marginalized conduct. A drug-free society is a vision that expresses an optimistic and positive view of people. The spread of drugs can be stopped and drug misuers can be rehabilitated through social measures that ensure that the drug problem is not reduced to a question of individual responsibility. Since it is difficult to rehabilitate people once they have started misusing drugs, society's preventive efforts must begin as early as possible. During periods in which public opinion is more rejective of drug misuse, recruitment of new misusers declines, which is a reasonable argument for maintaining a negative societal attitude towards the use of drugs. Sweden has a well functioning drug policy with strong public support that is an integral part of Sweden's general social policies, and there is no reason to abandon this policy.     

曹禺:一位青春型作家

称曹禺为青春型作家,是因为代表其创作最主要成就的四大名剧都完成于30岁以前,因而都带有鲜明的青春期特征:青春期的激情形成其创作的情感动力机制,青春期对人生与社会的探索形成其剧作的基本冲突。它们寄寓着作家对社会人生理解的同时也构成一部作家个人的精神成长史。随着青春期的结束、社会化的完成,作家的创作也走向了衰退。     

Driven by politics: agenda setting and policy-making in Hungary 2010–2014

Studies on media and politics generally find an effect of the media on the symbolic policy agenda. Analysing data from the Hungarian Comparative Agendas Project, we demonstrate that this effect is extremely weak in the Hungarian policy-making process. We identified those issues that received greater than average coverage in the media. However, we found that in the majority of cases governmental initiatives or decisions preceded the media coverage – that is, instead of the media agenda pulling the policy agenda, the general logic is the opposite: the media are talking about the policy initiatives of the government. The ambition of the paper is twofold. First, our findings reinforce those claims in the literature that point to the many institutional and political factors affecting the media-politics nexus. This suggests that policy-making might be very different in new(er) democracies. Second, our research analyses the policy-making side of Viktor Orbán’s governance. Changes in the polity, democratic backlash and illiberal tendencies are usually the focus concerning the political changes in Hungary since 2010, but no attention has been devoted to how this type of governance is reflected in policy-making. Our paper seeks to make a contribution also in this respect.     

Marx on ideology,power and force

As Marx matured as a thinker, he became more acutely aware of the obstinate hold which capitalism exercised upon society. Consequently, he was forced to complement his theory of revolution with a theory of social structures. In this paper, I aim to explore Marx's ideas on this point as they emerge in three of his more mature works, i.e.,Capital, Grundrisse, and theTheories of Surplus Value. My enterprise is guided by my convictions that (i) the notions of ideology, power and force are still central to debates in modern social theory, and (ii) Marx's development of these notions has the intrinsic merit of providing a useful and sophisticated contribution to such debates.     

滕尼斯与齐美尔:社会伦理同文化伦理的分流

作为德国社会学的两位奠基人,滕尼斯和齐美尔奠定了截然相反的两种现代伦理生活格局。伦理世界观的分流源于他们各自对时代处境的体验以及对思想史的独特解释。从近代自然法的角度出发,滕尼斯的社会伦理的核心是重建政治社会的秩序与风尚,一切价值最终都要融入社会;与此相反,齐美尔的社会学思考从一开始就以对社会伦理的批评作为前提,他将超越社会的个体生命视作伦理的目的,对他来说,生命不仅意味着身处社会之中的个体具有饱满个性,而且从自身孕育出客观的、适用于他自己的伦理责任。从帝制时期到魏玛时期,德国社会伦理同文化伦理的分流、交织与合流为我们提供了一条理解德国社会学史的清晰主线。     

本真性和公共领域:查尔斯·泰勒的自由社会观

本文围绕查尔斯·泰勒的两篇文章"消极自由有什么错" "自由主义政治与公共领域",以及泰勒与哈贝马斯在2009年的对话,来阐释他对自由主义的修正。这两篇文章相互呼应,前一篇阐释作为道德心理学的个人本真性,后一篇阐释使（个人或群体的）本真性得以充分发挥的多元公共领域。公共领域是市民社会的核心环节,而市民社会是与自由主义联系在一起的自由社会的主要形式。在对自由社会的阐释中,泰勒总结了修正自由主义的中庸观：在个人自由、自治和基于平等权利的规则之间寻求平衡和相互支持。在2009年与哈贝马斯的对话中他进而指出,宗教是多元公共领域中的议题之一。这种历史观基于他对韦伯观点的修正而形成,而此历史观对当前中国的处境有启发价值。     

传统中国社会的情理与人伦:以京剧《四郎探母》为例

京剧《四郎探母》讲述的是宋辽两国交战，主人公杨四郎身处两个家和两个国的伦理困境中，而铁镜公主、佘太君、萧太后等人对情义的认同和坚守最终成全了杨四郎探母乃至回令的故事。晚清至民国，京剧《四郎探母》在民众当中十分流行，广受欢迎，但1949年之后这部剧却经历了四次大讨论，并屡次被禁演，而在解禁后又长演不衰。对四郎的同情和理解与对四郎“不忠不孝”“叛国投敌”的批评和斥责，形成了鲜明的对比。本文认为，京剧《四郎探母》所表达的传统中国社会是情理社会，而人们也正是通过以情理为基本取向的社会行动最终铸就了一个以情理为基本精神的社会结构。情理的根本是人伦，人伦精神贯穿于家国社会之中。     

传统的变革与个体的重构:鲁滨逊的出走、改造与重返

笛福是现代早期重要的思想家之一。其第一部小说《鲁滨逊·克鲁索》,不仅仅是在叙述一个大航海时代的冒险故事,也是在为现代早期个体所面临的困境寻找一条出路。本文通过解读鲁滨逊的出走、改造与重返,分析并讨论了这部小说所揭示的现代早期的人性面貌和精神危机。本文认为,在基督教传统无法安顿人心的时代,笛福试图在理性与启示之间,重新寻找一条自我治理的良知之路。理解笛福及其对传统资源的利用,不仅有助于我们理解英国及现代个体主义的真正意涵,而且对我们重新回到中国个体问题兴起的语境中探索中国社会的路向,具有重要意义。