多民族互嵌式易地扶贫搬迁社区铸牢中华民族共同体意识之实践——基于贵州阿妹戚托小镇的田野调查

铸牢中华民族共同体意识是当前党的民族工作主线,全国各地经实践得出大量成功经验。但由于地理、人口、社会经济条件等因素,没有微观层面关于社区(村落)铸牢中华民族共同体意识的实践探索。本文以贵州阿妹戚托小镇为案例,分析多民族互嵌式易地扶贫搬迁社区(村落)中的铸牢中华民族共同体意识的实践路径,提炼这一类型社区(村落)铸牢中华民族共同体意识实践中的普遍模式,以期为其他社区(村落)提供参考。阿妹戚托小镇是贵州省第一个实现整乡搬迁的易地扶贫社区,又是民族互嵌式社区,同时还是国家级旅游景区,这三重属性几乎能包含所有社区(村落)的特点,同时也决定了它在铸牢中华民族共同体意识过程中有一些独特的经验和实践逻辑：一是重视顶层设计到基层落实,为铸牢中华民族共同体意识夯实政治基础;二是转变救济式扶贫为“易地扶贫搬迁+”模式,为铸牢中华民族共同体意识创造物质条件;三是坚持实现空间互嵌到情感互嵌,为铸牢中华民族共同体意识深化情感认同。     

铸牢中华民族共同体意识的多民族民间文艺视角

中国是统一的多民族国家,创作和传承了类别丰富、形态多样的多民族民间文艺。多民族民间文艺诞生、传承于和谐的家园共同体中,成为中华民族"多元一体"的重要表征。铸牢中华民族共同体意识、加强各民族交往交流交融是我国民族工作的新理念、新思想、新战略,也是中国多民族民间文艺学建设的方向。中国多民族民间文艺将守信修睦、情同手足、彼此交融、血脉相连作为价值理念,成为铸牢中华民族共同体意识的根基与体现。从多民族历史实践和生活现实的视角审视多民族民间文艺,萃取多民族国家认同资源,增强中华民族凝聚力,培育和铸牢中华民族共同体意识,具有重要意义。     

广州城市流动少数民族身份认同探究

少数民族流动人口是铸牢中华民族共同体意识的一个重要主体,其主体身份认同是中华民族共同体意识的重要组成部分。城市流动人口不断推进各民族交往交流交融,城市治理应将铸牢中华民族共同体意识上升为国家行动和社区网格化管理具体事务。本文根据广州市少数民族流动人口聚集特点及其城市适应程度,采取典型抽样的方法,通过问卷调查和个案访谈,考察了广州市少数民族流动人口民族身份、职业身份、地域身份和中华民族身份认同状况及其内在结构,提出以制度改革保障城市身份认同,以职业教育促进职业身份认同,以各民族共享的优秀传统文化铸牢中华民族共同体身份认同,以社区为纽带凝聚地域性身份认同。     

基本公共服务均等化：西部边疆民族地区铸牢中华民族共同体意识的路径选择

基本公共服务均等化是西部边疆民族地区铸牢中华民族共同体意识的有力抓手和有效路径,其深入推进有助于增强铸牢中华民族共同体意识的政治认同、夯实铸牢中华民族共同体意识的社会基础、坚实铸牢中华民族共同体意识的物质基础。实现均等化的结果转化为中华民族共同体意识需构建可容纳多元诉求的基本公共服务体系、高绩效的基本公共服务供给机制和不断完善基本公共服务均等化的政治参与机制。     

智能算法对铸牢中华民族共同体意识场景的再构研究

网络平台中铸牢中华民族共同体意识是政治传播的一个向度,全新场景下的用户与传统概念上的受众截然不同,各民族的“人”本身发生了进化、异化、云化,传播模式也由此产生了本质性位移,诸种变化和位移为进一步铸牢中华民族共同体意识提供了另一种可能和土壤。智能算法在信息推送、议程设置、于传统政治传播权力消解层面对铸牢中华民族共同体意识传播场景进行解构与变革,使得算法日益成为引导政治传播规则、资本营销模式的重要且核心元素,而传播的算法化也需围绕网络共同体的重构、情感共同体的建构和中华民族共同体的再构层面进一步实现碎片场景、消费场景、仪式场景的融通,以优化铸牢中华民族共同体意识的传播实效。智能算法时代的网络空间对于铸牢中华民族共同体意识场景再构的重要意义在于族群边界重建、族群集体记忆重构,甚至族群认同重塑的可能性,为政治传播主体和各民族网民提供了凝聚中华民族共同体认同的场景,提供了“自上而下”与“由下而上”共同书写以“五个认同”为核心的中华民族共同体认同的可能。     

铸牢中华民族共同体意识视角下归侨群体的“五个认同”研究——以广西侨港镇为例

作为中国最大的印支难民安置点,广西侨港镇成立至今已有四十余年的历史。在侨港镇经济快速发展,社会各项事业全面进步的同时,当地归侨群体对伟大祖国、中华民族、中华文化、中国共产党、中国特色社会主义的认同不断深化提升,其中华民族共同体意识日益形成并得以巩固铸牢。侨港镇的事实经验不仅为铸牢中华民族共同体意识的学术研究提供了个案参考,也为其他归侨安置地区相关工作的实际开展提供了借鉴启发。     

河湟花儿的跨族际共融研究——兼论其铸牢中华民族共同体意识的三重结构

我国作为一个统一的多民族国家,民族地区民族关系的和谐稳定在整个国家治理中有着特殊的地位,也关乎铸牢中华民族共同体意识事业的进程。基于河湟地区多民族交流互动的历史事实,文章对河湟花儿何以实现跨族际共融展开了论述,认为多民族共创、共有、共享的花儿,不仅表征着河湟地域文化特质,还蕴含着不同民族特色文化的交融与互构。花儿内部所蕴含的心理、文化和社会的三重结构,是理解中华民族凝聚多元为一体的重要视角,不仅有助于夯实和合共生的民族关系,也为铸牢中华民族共同体意识提供了具象化的路径。     

大学生中华民族共同体认同心理机制优化研究

党的十八大以来,习近平总书记多次强调要铸牢中华民族共同体意识。只有铸牢中华民族共同体意识,才能增进各民族对中华民族的自觉认同,推动中华民族成为认同度更高、凝聚力更强的命运共同体。铸牢大学生中华民族共同体意识是新时代我国高校特别是民族(地区)高校思想政治教育工作的重要任务。铸牢中华民族共同体意识的核心是加强对共同体的认同,以心理学的认同理论为出发点,探究大学生中华民族共同体认同的心理机制的优化具有重要理论价值与实践意义,本文将探讨运用心理学上的互换原则、相容原则、共振原则及引导原则,加强大学生对中华民族共同体的认知认同、情感认同和意志行为认同。     

非物质文化遗产共生要素赋能铸牢中华民族共同体意识研究

非物质文化遗产在长期的传承和发展进程中,有效地连接了历史与现代、时间与空间,其内容和形式历经时代的汰选不断走向适应包容,其具有的共生思想和表现形式,是坚定文化自信、铸牢中华民族共同体意识可兹利用的载体。以往对非物质文化遗产的研究多关注其内涵、分类、保护和开发等,但对其与铸牢中华民族共同体意识的内在关联则关注不足。新时期,应坚持以铸牢中华民族共同体意识为价值引领,通过推动铸牢中华民族共同体意识入非物质文化遗产保护各级立法,推动社区主导非物质文化遗产传承,将铸牢中华民族共同体意识纳入非物质文化遗产教育体系,增强民众的中华民族共同体文化认同。     

身份认同视域下的铸牢中华民族共同体意识研究

中华民族共同体意识作为一种群体认同意识,其深层体现的是各族人民对中华民族共同体成员这一共有身份的认同。从身份认同视角入手,有助于进一步深化对铸牢中华民族共同体意识的理论理解和实践推进。首先,凸显各族人民共有的中华民族成员身份、统一国家公民身份、命运共同体成员身份显现出铸牢中华民族共同体意识的丰富内涵;其次,消解中华民族身份认同与次国家民族身份认同张力、消解国家公民身份认同与族裔身份认同张力以及消解各民族身份认同的排他性问题,展现出铸牢中华民族共同体意识的重大价值;最后,通过系牢各族人民的共有身份认同纽带,增强各族人民的文化归属感、社会归属感和民族使命感是铸牢中华民族共同体意识的实践方向。     

The Socioeconomic Attainments of Non-immigrant Cambodian, Filipino, Hmong, Laotian, Thai, and Vietnamese Americans

Using recent American Community Survey data, this study investigates socioeconomic attainments of six ethnic groups of Southeast Asian Americans. Findings show that the educational attainment of Filipinos, Vietnamese, and Thai is higher than that of whites, while the educational attainment of Cambodians, Hmong, and Laotians is lower than that of whites. Regarding earnings, Southeast Asian American women are generally not disadvantaged relative to white women, but Southeast Asian American men tend to have lower earnings than white men after controlling for education and other demographic factors such as age, metropolitan residence, and region. We conclude that Cambodians, Hmong, and Laotians are the most disadvantaged groups among Southeast Asian Americans and that most Southeast Asian American male groups tend to be at least slightly disadvantaged in the labor market at least after controlling for metropolitan residence and region.     

辽、金、元时期的利州

现今的辽宁省喀左蒙古族自治县在辽、金、元时期曾设置利州。利州位于辽宁西部,当辽、金、元三朝建都北京之时,这里曾是三朝的重要后方,对这三朝政权巩固有很大作用。然而在历史资料记载中关于利州、也就是今日的喀左蒙古族自治县的记载却不多见,本文通过考古发掘的资料,加之点滴史料记载,大致勾画出当年的基本情况,以求对东北地方史和东北民族史的研究有所裨益。     

试谈民族传统文化的本质、特点及其保护与发展

本文通过对我国现今的传统文化过热的原因和本质的分析,论证出民族传统文化是动态存在的文化现象,并根据其本质和特点提出了传统文化保护与发展的策略.     

革命,民族,现代性——关于中共陕甘宁边区政府回族干部的考论

抗日战争时期,在团结抗日的目标条件下,群众团体成为中国社会各阶层的动员和组织的重要形式。在众多回族抗日群众团体中,成立于1938年的中国回民救国协会是影响深远的回族群众团体,为了更好地动员和团结各民族,1940年在延安成立了第一个少数民族抗日群众团体—延安回民救国协会,同年还成立了中国回民救国协会陕甘宁分会。通过对延安回民救国协会的观察和研究,以及对回族基层干部的关注,可以了解到回族基层干部主要是中共中央基层组织培养和教育的结果。本文以金浪白和马文良为例,研究他们的经历、参加中国革命的契机,以及他们在中国共产党回族政策中的作用。此外,通过对其他回族干部来源调查,研究中国共产党如何选拔录用回族干部,并与鄂豫皖根据地选拔与录用干部方式的加以比较,探讨回族干部选拔录取方式的特点,提出有关回族妇女干部的新观点。     

A tale of four cities: the boundaries of blackness for Ethiopian immigrants in Washington,DC, Tel Aviv,Rome, and Melbourne

ABSTRACT

Scholars increasingly view urban areas as fragmented spaces where migrants are policed in ways that promote differential access to mobility, but the glocal meanings of race are often undertheorized. This paper explores the mobility experiences of Ethiopian migrants in four cities: Washington, DC, Tel Aviv, Rome, and Melbourne. Using a textual analysis of newspaper coverage in each city, the analysis finds that media and police often act as agents who racialize Ethiopian migrants relative to native minorities and other migrants. The paper concludes that the experiences Ethiopian immigrants faced in urban areas were informed by glocal meanings of race (blackness); they were shaped in relation to not only other migrants and native minorities, but also a globalized discourse on immigration.     

赫哲萨满派系、种类、名称和职能

本文通过史料考证和实地调查,将过去赫哲族萨满分工的三类、四类、五类、六类、七类等说,规范为五类。同时,对赫哲萨满名称的不同称谓,按照国际音标标音统一了称谓。     

Islam,Moderation, Radicalism,and Justly Balanced Communities

If media outlets and political rhetoric are to be believed, then the way to counter “radical” Islam is through “moderate” Islam. Seemingly, “moderate” Islam is that which “radical” Islam is not. In appointing “moderate” Islam as an antidote to “radical” Islam, the implication is that, conceptually at least, the two terms are contradistinctive. Yet, while much is, perceivably, known about “radical” Islam, with its associated ills of an unequivocal Islamic worldview, very little attention has been afforded to this signifier, “moderate”. Inasmuch as this term is bandied around, even scholars of Islam will acknowledge that, within Islamic education, understandings of and debates on conceptions of moderation, and moderate Muslim communities, have been somewhat overlooked. What, therefore, is a “moderate” Islam? What is a “moderate” Muslim community and how would it act? What are the implications for a “moderate” community in relation to pluralist societies? And, can such a “moderate” community offer a practical response not only to “radical” Islam, but, perhaps, more importantly, to increasingly antagonistic, liberal contexts?     

Evaluations of patriotism across countries,groups, and policy domains

Numerous studies have examined the level of patriotism across countries, the factors that shape patriotic feelings, and the ways in which diverse dimensions of patriotism are related to a broad set of attitudes and behaviours. Citizen evaluation of patriotism, in particular in the context of majorities and minorities, has seldom been investigated, however. Exploring this issue, this paper discusses the ways in which majorities and minorities view the consequences of patriotism and whether their attitudes are affected by inclusive state policies. Analysing public views of patriotism across countries, it found that (a) patriotism is viewed more positively than negatively in nearly all the countries included in the survey; (b) on average, majorities hold more positive views of patriotism than minorities; (c) minorities in countries governed by more exclusive policies tend to regard patriotism more negatively than those in countries governed by more inclusive policies; and (d) the more inclusive the policy, the more negatively majorities perceive patriotism. These findings are discussed in light of the normative debate regarding patriotism.     

Migration,masculinity, and family

Previous studies of migration, family, and gender have shown that migration is not only an event that changes family life, the change itself is a gendered process. How migrant women develop strategies to cope with challenges posed by either their own migration or their husbands’ migration has been widely studied. However, how migrant men adjust and change their care practices and domestic roles to accommodate challenges brought about by migration to their family lives has not been as extensively explored. Using interview data gathered from male rural-to-urban migrant workers in South China, this paper fills this gap by studying male migrants’ agency and masculinity through the concept of masculine compromise. Masculine compromise delineates how migrant men strive to respond to changing family circumstances triggered by migration while maintaining the gender boundaries that underpin their dominance within the family. As a concept, masculine compromise underscores the material impact of migration on gender practices and family life; and the limited effect it has on gender attitudes and identity. Masculine compromise provides a feminist lens to analyse the complex effect of migration on changing masculinity and gender relationships within the family.     

越老泰缅各国瑶族人口分布、来源和称谓--海外瑶族研究论文之二

对越、老、泰、缅各国的人口分布、支系与称谓、来源和迁徙作了详细的讨论,迁徙海外的瑶族主要集中在这四个国家,且只有盘瑶和蓝靛瑶等2个支系,他们都来源于中国.