深度贫困民族地区的教育扶贫：机理与路径

深度贫困民族地区的特殊性,要求必须采取超常规的教育扶贫手段才能阻断贫困的代际传递,使贫困群体跨越贫困陷阱。文章从教育扶贫的基本内涵和现实图景出发,指出深度贫困民族地区的教育扶贫应当从主体、对象和方式三个方面进行完善,并以四川凉山彝族自治州的教育扶贫模式创新为对象进行了分析。研究发现:针对深度贫困地区的特征和贫困群体异质性的教育扶贫模式创新,一方面可以直接提升不同群体的教育可得性、文化素养、知识技能和人力资本水平,改善多维贫困状况;另一方面,可以通过示范效应、邻里效应和回流效应等间接发挥扶贫作用,扩大教育扶贫的覆盖范围和整体效应。因此,在深度贫困民族地区,应改革并完善"主体多元化、对象全覆盖、方式多样化"的教育扶贫模式,助推深度贫困民族地区实现高效、高质量的脱贫。     

赋权视角下社会组织承接民族地区乡村扶贫研究

在乡村扶贫进入后扶贫时代,民族地区贫困治理由绝对贫困治理转向相对治理,社会组织将继续深度参与民族地区乡村相对贫困治理。民族地区乡村相对贫困治理具有脆弱性、动态性的特征,需要激发贫困主体的内生动力和社会组织的深度参与。民族地区相对贫困治理在对象、目标、内在逻辑方面与赋权理论拥有高度的一致性。运用赋权理论,通过实施自我赋权、个体赋权、组织赋权、社区赋权,探索社会组织承接民族地区乡村扶贫的路径,提升民族地区乡村相对贫困治理效能,助力民族地区乡村振兴发展。     

主体视界下的民族地区贫困问题分析

进入21世纪以来,我国的贫困问题出现了一个突出特点,那就是贫困人口越来越集中于西部的少数民族地区。2004年,少数民族地区农村绝对贫困人口是1245.6万人,占全国贫困人口总数的47.7%,部分少数民族处于整体贫困状态。因此,消除少数民族地区贫困的任务依然非常艰巨,反贫困应成为当前民族地区经济与社会发展政策的核心内容之一。长期以来,解决贫困问题基本上是以物为主的外源性扶贫,往往忽视人这一贫困主体。而贫困作为一种社会经济现象,归根到底是人或人的社会群体的贫困。少数民族地区贫困的原因——主体视界下的再审视导致少数民族地区贫困…     

经济关联网络对民族地区县域经济增长的影响效应

县域经济发展是巩固民族地区脱贫攻坚成果、推动乡村振兴、提高民族地区经济发展韧性和加快民族地区中国式现代化建设步伐的重要动力。贵州省是我国民族地区发展的“样板”,本文以贵州省88个县级行政单位为研究样本,采用社会网络分析法和空间计量模型,探究经济关联网络对民族地区县域经济增长的影响效应。研究发现,贵州省县域经济关联网络渐趋成熟,具有明显的核心—边缘结构特征;经济关联网络对民族地区县域经济具有明显的增长效应和空间溢出效应,网络中心性的提升显著地促进了本地经济增长,点出度中心性的提升对邻近地区经济增长产生正向溢出效应,点入度中心性的提升对邻近地区经济增长产生抑制作用;经济关联网络对民族地区县域经济增长具有明显的异质性,在城市群和网络核心区域内网络外部效应更加明显;网络外部经济能够促进民族地区县域经济协调,网络聚集阴影的出现不利于民族地区县域经济的协调发展。为推进民族地区县域经济高质量发展,民族地区应从补齐基础设施发展短板、发展各具特色的县域经济和深化县域合作等方面入手。     

甘南藏区农村精准扶贫问题研究——基于阿木去乎镇的调查

民族地区精准脱贫是全面建设小康社会的关键。笔者以甘南藏区贫困农村为例,通过访谈和查阅相关文件收集资料,描述了甘南藏区精准扶贫的状况、存在的问题,进一步讨论了民族地区贫困与发展的关系。指出少数民族地区精准扶贫一定要结合实际,在政府政策的指引下,注重民族地区的文化特性,坚持尊重贫困群众在扶贫开发中的主体地位,充分挖掘民族地区社会内在潜力,动员社会组织等多方力量参与扶贫,这样才可能真正实现脱贫,全面建成小康社会。     

民族贫困地区多重资本约束下的减贫问题研究

近年来,我国一系列扶贫政策取得了很大成效,但一个不容忽视的现象是,民族地区贫困有范围扩大的趋势,而且民族地区贫困原因也存在多重性.本文以经济学视角来解读民族地区的贫困问题,分析了民族贫困地区存在的多维贫困和多重性特征,指出了利用地理资本和生产资本投入的同时,扩大社会资本投入从而提高生产可能性边界进而达到民族地区减贫目的.更进一步地,本文提出了民族地区减贫模式创新,在尊重民族贫困地区贫困人群意愿基础上,通过科技投入推动农业产业化、利用银保互动实现民族地区减贫.     

文化策略:民族地区反贫困的路径选择研究

作为一种整体性存在的历史实存,贫困问题不仅是一个经济问题,更是一个社会问题。贫困也由此跨越纯粹的经济存在,成为一种深刻复杂的文化现象。在民族地区反贫困的制度设计中,如若未能充分考虑地方性文化的特殊性,是难以实现蕴含着现代生产力在民族地区的展布的。尊重地方性文化,充分调动贫困社区的社会参与,是消除民族地区贫困的一个重要前提。通过文化认同机制建构起来的集体式发展方式,应该成为少数民族地区反贫困和经济发展的有效机制。坚持发展民族教育,提高民族地区贫困人口的可行能力,不仅是消除民族地区贫困的根本保障,也是民族地区发展的根本目的。     

民族地区反贫困战略中人力资本投资的经济学分析

本文认为人力资本的缺乏是造成民族地区贫困恶性循环的重要原因,加大人力资本的投入是该地区跳出"贫困陷阱"的关键。但由于投资主体不同,人力资本的投资效益会存在显著差异,使得民族地区地方政府和个人人力资本投资乏力。对此,作者给出了相应政策建议。     

民族地区贫困村寨参与式发展的人类学考察——以广西龙胜龙脊壮寨旅游开发中的社区参与为个案

文章在梳理龙脊古壮寨社区历史和现状的基础上,探讨了民族地区贫困村寨的参与式发展问题,认为整体贫困制约着龙脊村民自主参与古壮寨旅游开发,社区主体居民参与程度不够,非物态的当地社区文化和民族传统文化展示较少,龙脊古壮寨旅游开发中社区参与的可能路径是延伸民族地区乡村生态旅游产业链,消化农闲时的农村富余劳动力,提升贫困地区农村社区自主发展能力,促进经济发展与文化传承的良性互动,现代生产与传统技术的有机结合,全球文化协商与地方性传统生态知识的和谐共生。     

网络信息与民族关系

互联网带来人类信息交流方式飞跃式变革 ,网络的大容量信息及其迅速的传播对多民族社会的民族关系产生了越来越明显的影响。文章分析了当前互联网上有关中国民族的信息状况 ,指出 ,就中国而言 ,网络信息对民族关系发展的影响具有双重性 :一方面 ,网络丰富的经济技术信息和文化信息有助于少数民族地区的经济社会发展 ;另一方面 ,迅速变化的世界直接对各民族成员的价值观形成全面冲击 ,其造成的影响将有可能增加社会管理的风险和成本。为了充分发挥网络信息对民族地区经济社会的正面影响 ,减少和规避互联网信息对民族关系的负面影响 ,应该加强对信息内容的有效管理 ,努力提高信息受众的素质等     

Meeting / Derrida

In August 1999, Jacques Derrida gave a number of lectures and seminars in Melbourne and Sydney. The seminar of 13 August, held at Sydney's Seymour Centre Theatre, was open to the public. It consisted of a question-and-answer session with Genevieve Lloyd, David Wills, Paul Patton and Penelope Deutscher. Its title, 'Themes from Recent Work', reflected interests in the work from Specters of Marx (1994) onwards which some, including Paul Patton, have referred to as deconstruction in its affirmative phase. What follows is a by-no-means verbatim record of the event. Rather it is but one member of the audience's account of what transpired in the seminar – an account which is therefore necessarily selective and pressed through the grid of my own quasi-philosophical interests. Following this account of the seminar, I offer some marginal notes on the open discussion following the seminar, then, finally, some reflections on a particular matter discussed at the dinner which followed that – madness.     

Defining ‘real India’: representations of authenticity in independent travel

As an alternative to the stereotypical mass tourism, independent travellers – travellers who travel for extended periods on low budgets while ostensibly avoiding formalized tourist activities and locales – are invested in constructing ‘authentic’ travel experiences. Practices such as ‘off-the-beaten-track’ travel and cultural engagement provide the means by which independent travellers are able to make claims to such authenticity. Authenticity is constructed by travellers through idealizations of intimacy and non-commodification. These idealizations are tangled in narrative representations of ‘real’ India and ‘real’ Indians, their ‘real’-ness typified by an absence of other travellers, tourists and, more generally, Western contamination. In these ways, ‘authentic’ travel is dependent upon actively constructed binaries of Western travelling subjects and exotic Indian objects. Yet travellers' fantasies of the Other are fragile and subject to collapse at moments in which so-called Others articulate their subjectivity in a way that is inconsistent with travellers' expectations. Through a focus on travellers' narratives of their experience, both the requirement for an Orientalist dichotomy as well as the ruptures that continually challenge this dichotomy, will emerge.     

Oestrogen Rising 2016: Ireland’s stained and bloodied cloths

A weaver, seamstress, laundress and artist, in this essay I shall spin a yarn, tangle a web, and construct a text(ile) of the inter-weave of narrative and identity that I define as my intellectual, textual, somatic and material/visual practice obsessions. My work explores ‘the places in-between’ in the entanglements of Irish and Northern Irish gender and identity, and in the abject fabrics of death and of desire. As an Irish feminist, sense-making of the complexities, conundrums, challenges and contradictions of my land, my cloth, my body and my culture owes much to Irish women before me who fought for female suffrage, and Irish women now – north and south of the border that divides the island of Ireland – who still struggle for equality of citizenship, social justice, human rights, and full reproductive autonomy. My contention is that when we accept that Ireland herself is a many-layered cloth, a stained and bloodied cloth, a cloth marked irreversibly by history, conflict, denial and abuse, stained by its own repression, marked through denial of all its people’s rights and needs, and bloodied by its greatest export, the haemorrhage of its people, then – polemical, didactic or reflective, with more compassion, empathy, humility and heart – we just might make peace with our past.     

The changing configurations of self-(m)other dialogue in North Cyprus

This paper deals with issues of identity, nationalism, postcolonialism, and self-other relations with a focus on a period of transformative events in North Cyprus. It notes how nationalism has been the dominant means of identification for Cypriots in their modern history, and argues that unless weakened and supplanted by a radically pluralist democracy, nationalism imagines one's identity as an indivisible unity and has no place for different others within the nation. However, a pressing relationship with others and otherness is no stranger to Cypriots either, which makes it clear that the border that defines the ‘we’ of such nationalism is, at the same time, the line that divides the self intrinsically, indicating the otherness of the self or its alterity. Subjectivity involves subjection to the other.     

Changing patterns of mobility,citizenship and conflict in Indonesia

ABSTRACT

Mobility and migration are inherent ingredients of Indonesian cultures. In an archipelago with thousands of islands of various size, character and nature, mobility is an important means to make a living and to survive by migration. The right to free movement in Indonesia is constitutionally granted. It can create mobility and give expression to equal citizenship rights at the same time as it can trigger the enforcement of borders among cultural groups and the ethnification of local and regional politics. Mobility thus always comes along with immobility. Physical mobility of one group of people might cause immobility of another group or it might create cultural and political immobility in the same group. In places such as Eastern Indonesia, people have developed reciprocal means to integrate newcomers. Whereas the immigrants are usually disadvantaged citizens with regards to land and customary rights, those living in the area for generations have nonetheless become integral parts of quite peaceful local settings, one way or the other. The advancement of decentralization, democratization and direct elections of political representatives can lead to political empowerment, the promotion of ethnicity as election capital and changing patterns of belonging. This paper illustrates these ambivalences by looking at mobility in Indonesia more generally and how changing national policies and laws lead to reinterpretations of mobility patterns and trigger changes in relations between local population groups and existing mechanisms of cultural and political inclusion and exclusion. Butonese migrants in Maluku will here serve as a case study.     

三江源自然保护区生态旅游开发的SWOT分析

本文就三江源自然保护区开发生态旅游产品的可行性及发展潜力,运用SWOT分析模式进行客观分析,并得出三江源开发生态旅游产品是实现该地区可持续发展的最佳途径。     

热贡鲁若中"玛泽"与藏族历史的渊源关系

文章从历史学、宗教学、民俗学等角度,将流行于黄南藏族自治州同仁县隆务河流域的六月会主体节目之一"玛泽"的文化内涵进行了新的探讨,并就"玛泽"节目的历史和宗教渊源关系,民俗形成过程,以及对军事、生产活动中的意义提出了自己的看法.     

‘Both an Arab and a woman’: gendered,racialised experiences of female Palestinian citizens of Israel

Following feminist and postcolonial discourses, this paper uses the concept of ‘everyday experience’ as a tool to trace the social world of educated Palestinian women in Israel. The term refers to the complex array of these women's experiences in racialised and gendered social sites, as well as within the class, religious, and ethnic contexts in the subordinated group and its relations with the dominant Jewish group. Based on 108 in‐depth interviews with Palestinian women citizens of Israel, the paper claims that educated Palestinian women are located in a ‘third place’ between cultural, gender, class, national and racial structures that generates a continual ambivalence. Within this marginal, ‘unhomely’ space women negotiate their own identities and challenge dominant social definitions. Women create various modes of interim spaces and multi‐dimensional, shifting identities for themselves. The ambivalent attitudes generated by the women's experiences expose the possibility of shedding categorising markers. The omnipresent existence of the gendered, racialised regime of knowledge makes every place a potential site of subversion and resistance.     

羌族宗教信仰与藏文化的关系考察研究

岷江上游羌族宗教信仰是多元混杂的,导致这种现象的产生,既有历史的因素,又有现实的因素.历史的因素可追溯到古羌人时代,从那里我们可寻羌族宗教信仰之渊源的一些踪迹;现实的因素可从羌族地处藏彝走廊,受汉藏文化影响的现状中去采撷一些实际的表现.本文拟就羌族原始宗教信仰中的藏文化因子,羌族天神信仰与藏族民间宗教信仰的渊源,羌族和藏族有关人类起源传说的相似与区分,羌族原始宗教信仰与佛教文化的糅合等方面对羌族宗教信仰与藏文化的关系作一较为深入的考察分析.     

Identification,the exercise of democracy and the fear of the Other – the June EU referendum in the UK

ABSTRACT

The focus is the oscillation among leave voters in the EU referendum from the exercise of rights - an act of dis-identification – towards the assertion of identity as members of a British community. This was mediated by voters acting in an association of citizens calling on the equalising agency of the British people whilst claiming membership of a locally circumscribed community, perceived as injured, through entanglement with the Other prominent among them Europeans. Hence the recovery of the injured community as the object of the denunciators’ desire for identity coupled with the fear of the Other. Predicated on this was the resumption of class, gender and ethnic roles reflected in division among voters. The denunciation of togetherness with Europeans served leave voters to substitute the exercise of rights with a longing for identity. Instrumental in this was the lack of deliberation in the plebiscite to articulate the will of individual voters through a general will. The ‘direct power’ exercised enabled many to cast away their role as citizen in an attempt to claim their privileges as members of a racially and culturally demarcated British community. Paradoxically, the voters’ unashamed disavowal of their agency as citizens by seeking to restore a divided social world as the source of their identity was represented as an exercise in democracy. To some playing on words was supplemented by the use of force removing the gap between the discursive exclusion of the Other and the continued physical presence of bearers of different races and culture.