The Political Effects of Immigrant Naturalization

Immigration is transforming the societies of Europe and North America. Yet the political implications of these changes remain unclear. In particular, we lack credible evidence on whether, and how, becoming a citizen of the country of residence prompts immigrants to engage with the political system. This paper used panel data from Germany to test theories of citizenship and immigrant politics. I found that naturalization can promote political integration, but that this is more likely if new citizens have the chance to pick up habits of political engagement during the formative years of early adulthood.     

Murakami Haruki and the Naturalization of Modernity

Walter Benjamin famously portrayed the shock sensation as the cause of a "heightening of consciousness" in modernity, a process which in turn causes the disintegration of the "aura" and the suffocation of "experience" under the "protective shield" of consciousness. When applied to the cultural space of Murakami Haruki's novels a discrepancy comes into view that calls for sociological elucidation. Here modernity is a "naturalized" space characterized by tranquillity and stillness, a low consciousness, and a fusion of reification with re-enchantment. This naturalization is made possible by a process of privatization whereby libidinal energy becomes transferred from objective human relations to the interior of the self. Murakami struggles with the dilemma of how to affirm naturalization while counteracting privatization. While the prime cultural contradiction according to Benjamin was the conflict between "the aura" and the heightening of consciousness, in the naturalized modernity portrayed by Murakami another contradiction emerges which revolves around the conflict between painless solitude and the struggle to regain auratic human relations.     

The Case of Cubans: Racial Inequality in U.S. Homeownership and Home Values

Prior research finds that human capital may explain racial housing inequality, whereas others note the historical role that race played in creating unequal housing conditions. This study uses the case of Cubans in the United States to examine whether human capital explains Black–White housing inequalities, or if they are a result of nativity/cohort differences—a proxy for the federal policies that supported Cubans’ economic and social incorporation. Using pooled data from the American Community Survey, I examine how human capital characteristics and nativity/migration cohorts shape odds of homeownership and predicted home values among Cubans. Extended analyses using decomposition methods find that although human capital characteristics are important, they play a smaller role in explaining Black–White differences in homeownership and home values. Indicative of the changing structure of racial stratification in the United States, results reveal substantial inequality among the oldest of Cuban immigrants and U.S.‐born Cubans, despite a trend toward declining inequality among recent arrivals. Supported by the literature of systemic racism, the case of Cubans shows how human capital explanations do not sufficiently explain racial housing inequalities and how the future of racial stratification is one of inter‐ and intra‐ethnic group inequality.     

Caribbean migration to Puerto Rico: a comparison of Cubans and Dominicans

"The purpose of this article is to address the questions posed by intra-Caribbean migration in the context of Cuban and Dominican migration to Puerto Rico since 1960. The essay's point of departure is an estimate of the size of the Cuban and Dominican populations on the island. The [first] section compares the mode of incorporation of Cubans and Dominicans into the Puerto Rican housing and labor markets. Finally, the article analyzes the socioeconomic background as well as the political and economic motivations of Cuban and Dominican migrants. The article concludes with suggestions for some avenues for further research and reflection."     

International job search: Mexicans in and out of the US

It is argued that migration from Mexico to the US and return migration are determined by international wage differentials and preferences for origin. We use a model of job search, savings and migration to show that job turnover is a crucial determinant of the migration process. We estimate this model by Simulated Method of Moments (SMM) and find that migration practically disappears, it goes down from 19 to 0.5%, had Mexico US arrival rates while employed. A lower decrease in migration, to 7%, occurs by an increase in Mexican wage offers. On the other hand, doubling migration costs reduces migration rates from 19 to 5%, while subsidizing return migration in $300 reduces migration rates only to 14%.     

Welfare Reform and Elderly Immigrants' Naturalization: Access to Public Benefits as an Incentive for Naturalization in the United States

Welfare reform in the United States restricted non‐citizens' eligibility for public assistance programs and strengthened economic benefits from naturalization. We examine the impact of these policy changes on elderly immigrants' naturalization, considering their level of need for public benefits. Using individual data from the Current Population Survey as well as state‐level data, we employ a differences‐in‐differences approach to consider variations in time, state policy, and probability of Medicaid participation. Results show that naturalization significantly increased among elderly immigrants who were likely to participate in Medicaid, suggesting that elderly immigrants in need of Medicaid became naturalized to maintain their eligibility for public benefits after welfare reform.     

The union within the union: Filipinos,Mexicans, and the racial integration of the farm worker movement

Throughout the twentieth century, California farm workers endeavored to build viable farm labor unionism. In 1966, Filipino and Mexican farm workers merged their respective farm labor unions, the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee and the National Farm workers Association, which laid the foundational base for the United Farm Workers of America (UFW). The merger constituted a moment of interracial unity, which Filipinos and Mexicans had previously lacked; by 1970 the UFW would negotiate landmark collective bargaining agreements. This article demonstrates how Filipinos and Mexicans resolved deeply rooted racial division and that doing so built a path to successful farm labor mobilization. The study complements previous farm worker scholarship that concentrates on exogenous causal factors of success by drawing focus to endogenous causal factors, particularly racial identity within the movement.     

International Migration and Religious Participation: The Mediating Impact of Individual and Contextual Effects1

Supported by previous empirical work, theory from sociology of religion and migration provide testable hypotheses in predicting changes in immigrant religious participation surrounding the migratory event. Due to data constraints, however, these hypotheses have escaped broad‐based analysis. Using the New Immigrant Survey (NIS), religious participation from pre‐ to postmigration time periods is found to decrease among recent immigrants to the United States. Individual‐level characteristics (i.e., gender, familial conditions, employment) do not substantially explain this decline; alternatively, contextual‐level factors (i.e., religious pluralism and religious concentration) partially mediate this drop in immigrant religiosity.     

The sociodemographic characteristics of Mexican immigrant status groups: implications for studying undocumented Mexicans

"Based on Warren and Passel's...estimate that nearly two-thirds of Mexican-born noncitizens entering the U.S. during 1975-80 and included in the 1980 Census are undocumented immigrants, this article uses the 1980 Public Use Microfiles to delineate four Mexican origin immigrant status groups--post 1975 Mexican-born noncitizens, pre-1975 Mexican-born noncitizens, self-reported naturalized citizens, and native-born Mexican-Americans." It is found that "the pattern of sociodemographic differences among these groups provides support for the idea that the first two categories contain a substantial fraction of undocumented immigrants. These two groups (especially the first) reveal characteristics that one would logically associate with undocumented immigrants--age concentration (in young adult years), high sex ratios, low education and income levels, and lack of English proficiency."     

The More Things Change the More They Stay the Same: Mexican Naturalization before and after Welfare Reform1

During the last decade there has been a dramatic increase in the both the number and the rate of Mexican naturalization. Some have interpreted this increase as a response to changes in welfare and immigration policy surrounding the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA), which limited public assistance to non‐citizens, and the 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA), which may have increased the incentive to naturalize by making it more difficult for legal immigrants to sponsor their relatives for entry to the United States. This article uses Current Population Survey data from 1994/95 and 2000/01 to examine how the social and economic determinants of naturalization may have changed in order to provide insight into which explanation for the increase in naturalizations is most relevant. We find that while the proportion of Mexican immigrants who are naturalized increased during the 1990s, their determinants have remained largely the same with the exception that those with noncitizen spouses have become more likely to be naturalized in the post‐reform period. This suggests that a more cautious interpretation be taken about the relationship between the increase in naturalizations and welfare and sponsorship restrictions, particularly when regarding Mexican immigrants.     

The Migration of Professionals: Theories and Typologies

In an historical context, highly skilled migration typically involved the forced movement of professionals as a result of political conflicts, followed by the emergence of the "brain drain" in the 1960s.
In the current situation, highly skilled migration represents an increasingly large component of global migration streams. The current state of theory in relation to highly skilled migration is far from adequate in terms of explaining what is occurring at the high skill end of the migration spectrum.
Continuing growth of temporary skilled migration is heralding changes in the operation of professions. Formal procedures for recognizing the skills of permanent immigrant professionals are breaking down as "fast-track" processes for assessing the skills of temporary professional migrants are put in place. The increasing globalization of firms and the internationalization of higher education are encouraging professions to internationalize.
In this article, four professions are cited as case studies to show that professional inclusion/exclusion is no longer defined by national professional bodies alone. The operation of professions has become a transnational matter although the extent of internationalization varies with professions.
Typologies for analysing professional migration flows are discussed and a sixth means of categorization, by profession or industry, is introduced to allow for the nature of interactions between the market, the state and the profession/industry. The question whether states should continue to be concerned about self-sufficiency in national professional labour markets in an increasingly globalized environment is also addressed.     

The Education‐Migration Industry: International Students,Migration Policy and the Question of Skills

This special section specifically focuses on student‐migrants and the way they are being catered to by an emerging education‐migration industry. The articles included build upon the observation that especially within the Asia‐Pacific region there is an increasing conflation and entanglement between categories of international students and skilled migrants. This has led to an emerging “industry” that facilitates study‐abroad trajectories and acts as broker for two‐step migration pathways. This Introduction aims to situate the research presented here within the broader context of a burgeoning field of research which examines the growing popularity of international education across the Asia‐Pacific region; the way its emergence is increasingly entangled with specific ambitions that skilled migration programmes cater to; and the way highly regulated skilled migration programmes have given rise to a migration industry in general.     

The Influence of Partner Choice and Country of Origin Characteristics on the Naturalization of Immigrants in Sweden: A Longitudinal Analysis

Using data for the period 1968–2001, this article assesses the influence of partner choice and origin country characteristics on the propensity of immigrants to naturalize in Sweden. Marriage to a foreign‐born Swedish citizen increases the naturalization propensity, and its effect increases strongly when the spouse naturalizes during the same year. The analysis suggests that a lower level of civic and political freedom or relative GDP per capita in the individual's country of origin is associated with an elevated probability of naturalization. During the period of study, originating from a country which allows for dual citizenship did not systematically elevate the probability to naturalize; this probability was accentuated, however, if the individual originated from a context characterized by a low degree of civic and political freedom.     

The Imperative of Place: Homicide and the New Latino Migration

Prior research finds that Latino immigration reduced violence. We argue that this is because they settled in traditional immigrant areas. But recent migrants settled in new destinations where the immigration–violence link is more complex. Contrary to previous findings, we observe that (1) Latino homicide victimization is higher in new destinations; (2) Latino immigration increases victimization rates, but only in new destinations and only for Latinos entering after 1990, when they fanned out to new destinations; and (3) Latino deprivation increases victimization only in new destinations because, we speculate, these new areas lack the protective social control umbrella of traditional destinations. Thus, the “Latino paradox” may be less useful than time‐honored sociological frameworks for understanding the link between Latino immigration and violence.     

Implementation of Congressional intent: a study of amnesty policy and the Immigration and Naturalization Service

Despite the passage of the Immigration and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA) the United States Border Patrol arrested about 1 million illegal aliens crossing the border in 1990. This phenomenon suggests that the IRCA has failed to control illegal immigration to the United States. Structural analysis of its implementation by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) was analyzed. Under an agreement with the INS to process illegal workers, community-based organizations in Arizona and New York became certified Qualified Designated Entities (QDEs). In 1988 the INS carried out a study to measure the impact of IRCA and solicited data from 9 QDEs. Data were obtained from 308 illegal aliens who failed to apply for amnesty and another 286 temporary legal residents. In the New York study information was collected from the QDEs between 1987 and 1989, and also in the summer of 1989 a group of 171 amnesty applicants were surveyed. All QDEs stated that implementation was hampered by excessive documentation, lack of strong family unification provisions, the financial cost of seeking legalization, and a fear of the INS. The Arizona and New York studies indicated that excessive documentation, fear of the INS (46% in New York), and fear of family separation (47% in New York) were the major factors why the targeted people did not come forward. Instead of seeking a proper balance between the written words of IRCA and the intent of Congress, INS developed guidelines that ignored the relevant facts presented by respected QDEs and Latino groups. In reality, INS sought to prevent illegal entry through amnesty offices throughout the United States. The eligibility requirements issued by the INS for amnesty served to limit and constrain participation in that program.     

Managing Migration,Managing Motherhood: The Moral Economy of Gendered Migration

For the past two decades, women have been migrating from Mexico to the United States on temporary work visas to pick meat from blue crabs in small coastal factories. Within a theoretical framework that argues for the relevance of a moral economic perspective to gendered migration, we examine the how participating in this migration influences migrants' families, including their abilities to produce higher‐quality lives. Specifically, we focus on the various factors that feed into the decision to migrate, the immediate consequences of those decisions for the relations among migrants, children, spouses and other family and community members, and the longer‐term consequences in terms of gender relations, the restructuring of parent–child relationships and the material benefits of work abroad. We find that women negotiate a variety of contradictions and paradoxes to participate in the programme, many of which directly influence their quest to reaffirm their abilities, as mothers, to produce quality human beings. These findings reflect more general global appeals for valuing human life by measures other than those of conventional political economy.     

The North American Naturalization Gap: An Institutional Approach to Citizenship Acquisition in the United States and Canada1

Using 1990 U.S. Census 5% PUMS and 1991 Canadian Census 3% public and 20% restricted microfiles, this article demonstrates the existence of a North American naturalization gap: immigrants living in Canada are on average much more likely to be citizens than their counterparts in the United States, and they acquire citizenship much faster than those living south of the border. Current theories explaining naturalization differences – focusing on citizenship laws, group traits or the characteristics of individual migrants – fail to explain the naturalization gap. Instead, I propose an institutional approach to citizenship acquisition. States' normative stances regarding immigrant integration (interventionist or autonomous) generate integrated or disconnected institutional configurations between government, ethnic organizations and individuals. Evidence from a case study of Portuguese immigrants living in Massachusetts and Ontario suggests that in Toronto government bureaucrats and federal policy encourage citizenship through symbolic support and instrumental aid to ethnic organizations and community leaders. In contrast, Boston area grassroots groups are expected to mobilize and aid their constituents without direct state support, resulting in lower citizenship levels.