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1.
The Multiple Meanings of Work for Welfare-Reliant Women   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Based on ethnographic and interview data collected at two welfare to work offices, this paper explores the various meanings that welfare-reliant women give to paid work. Although studies show that welfare-reliant women support work requirements and believe that welfare receipt should be temporary, even Progressives often fail to see the multiple meanings work has for poor women, and how similar these are to the meanings most Americans attach to work. Not only do poor women want to work for basic economic survival, but they view paid work as a means to family security, a path to fulfilling personal aspirations, and as their civic responsibility.
Kerry WoodwardEmail:

Kerry Woodward   is a doctoral candidate in Sociology at the University of California at Berkeley. Her research interests center around inequality and the intersections of race, class, and gender. Her dissertation examines the transmission of economic, social, and cultural capital in a California welfare to work program.  相似文献   

2.
Ethnographers have noted the coexistence of a social stratification system and egalitarian beliefs in rural Appalachian communities. For most local people, the conflict inherent in these two perspectives is balanced by community norms that call for informality in personal interactions and modesty in displaying one's status. The assignment of social position is thus unspoken but understood. A study of low‐status women in a rural, Appalachian community found that the women strongly believe in the egalitarian ethic. These same women speak, however, of numerous interactions with higher‐status persons, which result in feelings of being put down, ignored, undervalued, or insulted. The low‐status women revealed their strategies for confirming their view of the world and maintaining their self‐esteem in the face of these insults to self. They tell their stories to sympathetic listeners, apply negative labels to the offenders, and seek out higher status champions. The women's search for economic resources for their families does bring them into frequent contact with higher status persons and renders them continually vulnerable to perceived social insults.  相似文献   

3.
People who have been trafficked often face substantial financial challenges upon exiting human trafficking and re-entering the community. This article presents findings from a 6-month financial diaries study with the households of 30 women in Cebu City, Philippines, who were trafficked into sex work. Data from 352 interviews with sex trafficking survivors and their family members were utilized to explore the roles that trafficking survivors played in promoting the economic well-being of their families upon community re-entry, as well as the challenges they faced in fulfilling these roles. Findings revealed that women who were trafficked balanced multiple roles in their families—including that of income earner, household financial manager, and financial providers for the extended family. Survivors’ limited access to employment was a key barrier that impeded their ability to achieve financial stability for themselves, their children, parents, and other family members. The employment status of trafficking survivors affected numerous crosscutting factors—including the extent to which they were able to control household finances, redistribute income to their parents, and leave violent relationships. Findings reinforce the importance of safe, sustainable employment opportunities for the security and well-being of trafficking survivors and their families.  相似文献   

4.
Welfare reformers sought to reduce “dependency,” or reliance on state‐supported cash benefits and deployed a discourse of “self‐sufficiency” to promote the legitimacy of efforts to remove welfare recipients from publicly funded cash assistance through either wage labor or marriage. We use longitudinal, qualitative interview data collected from 38 initially welfare‐reliant women to examine what self‐sufficiency means to them and their perspectives on how work and marriage affect their ability to be self‐sufficient. Grounded theory analysis revealed that for these women, self‐sufficiency means formal independence from both the state (i.e., Temporary Assistance to Needy Families [TANF]) and men (i.e., marriage). Although they value marriage as an institution and would ideally marry, they do not consider marriage to be a likely route to self‐sufficiency given the pool of men available to them. Rather, they embrace their own market‐based wage labor as the means by which they can attain some measure of independence. Taking our lead from the women in this study, we challenge the emphasis on marriage in current welfare policy. We argue that employment training that results in better jobs for women and men and work supports that make low‐wage work pay are clearly the appropriate direction for policy aimed at the welfare‐reliant and working poor.  相似文献   

5.
The body of research examining issues confronting combat veterans of the Afghanistan and Iraq wars continues to grow. However, this research focuses primarily upon veterans with very less attention given to the challenges confronting their spouses. Using a semi-structured interview methodology and a feminist perspective, this study examines what it means to be a wife of a combat veteran who suffers from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and/or traumatic brain injury (TBI). Our findings indicate these women—who experience tremendous emotional, financial, and social challenges that arise from being the caregiver for their husbands—feel isolated from and abandoned by both the military community and the civilian community. Furthermore, the social and emotional disconnection of these women experience amplify the stresses they confront in daily life—stresses that are unique to their relationship to being with a combat veteran spouse who has PTSD and/or TBI. We argue future research should build upon this exploratory study to better understand how both the military community and the civilian community impact the subjectivity of these women and their efforts to reintegrate themselves and their families into civilian life.  相似文献   

6.
Recent scholarship and public discourse highlight an apparent waning of civic engagement in the United States. Although the welfare state is generally thought to support democracy by reducing economic inequality, it may paradoxically contribute to political disempowerment of some groups. We examine the effects of state interventions on civic participation among young adults, hypothesizing that involvement with stigmatizing social programs, such as welfare, reduces political engagement, while receipt of nonstigmatizing government assistance does not dampen civic involvement. Using official voting records and survey data from the Youth Development Study (YDS), a longitudinal community sample of young adults, a series of regression models suggests that welfare recipients are less likely to vote than nonrecipients, whereas recipients of non-means-tested government assistance participate similarly to young adults who do not receive government help. These effects hold even when background factors, self-efficacy, and prior voting behavior are controlled. Welfare receipt is not associated, however, with suppressed participation in nonstate arenas such as volunteer work. Intensive interviews with YDS welfare recipients are used to illustrate and develop the analysis.  相似文献   

7.
In a previous paper it has been shown that across three cohorts of men and women born in Britain in 1946, 1958 and 1970 a gender difference exists in regard to relative rates of class mobility. For men these rates display an essential stability but for women they become more equal. The aim of the present paper is to shed light on the causes of this trend—or, that is, of increasing social fluidity—among women. We begin by considering a refined version of the perverse fluidity hypothesis: that is, one that proposes that part‐time work leads to increasing downward worklife mobility among women that also entails downward intergenerational mobility and thus promotes greater fluidity. We do in fact find that the increase in fluidity is very largely, if not entirely, confined to women who have had at least one period of part‐time work. However, a more direct test of the hypothesis is not supportive. We are then led to investigate whether it is not that part‐time working itself is the crucial factor but rather that women who subsequently work part‐time already differ from those who do not at entry into employment. We find that eventual full‐ and part‐timers do not differ in their class origins nor, in any systematic way, in their educational qualifications. But there is a marked and increasing difference in the levels of employment at which they make their labour market entry. Eventual part‐timers are more likely than eventual full‐timers to enter in working‐class positions, regardless of their class origins and qualifications. Insofar as these women are from more advantaged origins, they would appear not to seek to exploit their advantages to the same extent as do full‐timers in order to advance their own work careers. And it is, then, in the downward mobility accepted by these women—who increase in number across the cohorts—that we would locate the main source of the weakening association between class origins and destinations that is revealed among women at large.  相似文献   

8.
Debates surrounding class inequality and social mobility often highlight the role of higher education in reducing income inequality and promoting equity through upward social mobility. We explore the lived experience of social mobility through an analysis of 11 semistructured interviews with Canadian academics who self‐identified as having working‐class or impoverished family origins. While economic capital increased substantially, cultural capital and habitus left many feeling like cultural outsiders. Isolation—both chosen and imposed—reduced professional networks, diminishing social capital. Caught between social worlds, participants mobilized symbolic capital in moral boundary marking, aligning themselves strategically with either their current class status or their working‐class roots. While upward social mobility is a path toward reducing economic inequality, the lived experience of social mobility suggests it may exact a high emotional cost.  相似文献   

9.
I examine how midlife men (N= 542) compare their work and family lives with those of their young adult sons, and how these comparisons affect the fathers’ self‐evaluations. Analyses are based on quantitative and qualitative data from the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study. Fathers who rate their work lives as more successful than their sons’ have elevated self‐esteem only when they also report being very close with their children. Open‐ended interviews reveal that men derive pride from financially supporting their families, yet normative and economic constraints of the “good provider” role prevented them from pursuing their own career aspirations and from maintaining close parent‐child ties. Intergenerational social comparisons highlight the distinctive work and family constraints felt by the midlife fathers.  相似文献   

10.
Editorial     
A gender perspective requires examining how gender roles affect the ways in which various family members can participate in the wider community, economy, and state. It is important to recognize the disparity between perceptions about the family as a benign institution and the reality that many families consist of a paradoxical blend of love, support, friction, domination, and even cruelty. Definitions of family reveal the social implications of the belief that families are centered on children and the need of patriarchs to control female sexuality. Notions about households are generally more concrete, and many households include people who are not family members and are not nuclear in nature. Many development initiatives have floundered because of the assumption that households distribute resources according to individual needs. Instead, household members use bargaining power to get their way, and women are generally in weaker bargaining positions than men. Linking men solely with production and women solely with reproduction ignores the realities of most women's lives, although the unpaid reproductive work women do influences their access to paid employment. In order to assure family stability and to find ways to provide social welfare, women's workload in the family must be reduced. Family life must not be hidden in a "private" sphere where injustices and violence are ignored. Unconscious biases against families of various types must be rooted out and overcome, and policy-makers must recognize that families evolve to meet changing needs. Finally, the notion of the nuclear family as the ideal family type must be challenged.  相似文献   

11.
The massive federal welfare reform effort of 1996 contained an inherent assumption that welfare use negatively affected recipients' sense of self-efficacy. Little research attention has been given to examining this assumption. Using in-depth interviews, I explore economic self-efficacy perceptions of 31 young mothers who have experience receiving welfare. Financial choice, they said, was central to their perceptions of themselves as economic agents and therefore to their sense of self-efficacy. Findings presented here detail women's perceptions of their own economic abilities, as well as how welfare receipt, the character of work, and experiences related to parenting in poverty all affected women's opportunities for exercising agency.  相似文献   

12.
Daughters from low‐income families who did not receive Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) are compared to daughters from low‐income families who did receive assistance to better account for family income in the intergenerational association of AFDC. The research models the timing of a daughter's first birth and, for those who become mothers, the number of years a daughter receives any AFDC. Women whose families received AFDC during their childhood are more likely to receive AFDC as adults relative to those women whose families did not receive AFDC. Controlling for family income in a more careful and comprehensive way than past research explains part but not all of the effects of childhood AFDC receipt. Among daughters from chronically poor families, however, parental AFDC use is not associated with additional years of AFDC participation. Although the present research cannot confirm or deny a causal role for parental welfare use, the intergenerational transmission of financial resources does explain part of the intergenerational association of welfare use.  相似文献   

13.
In this paper, we test the argument that self‐employment may be a strategy for dealing with competing demands of work and family. We do this by comparing work–family conflict experienced by self‐employed and employed men and women. By examining to what extent the self‐employed versus regularly employed value time for themselves and their family — i.e., whether they are driven by family/lifestyle motives in their working life — we examine whether self‐employment can help reduce work–family conflict among those guided by family/lifestyle motives. Using data from a 2011 Swedish survey of 2483 self‐employed and 2642 regularly employed, the analyses indicate that experiences of work–family conflict differ between self‐employed and employees. Self‐employed men and women, especially those with employees, generally experience more work–family conflict than do employees. However, self‐employment can sometimes be a strategy for dealing with competing demands of work and family life. The presence of family/lifestyle motives generally decreases the probability of experiencing work–family conflict, particularly among self‐employed women with employees.  相似文献   

14.
The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act of 1996 created a paradigm shift in the financing, organization, and delivery of welfare programs in the United States. The act shifted revenue and authority to states, giving them great discretion to determine the specifics of their programs. First‐order devolution, combined with time limits and work requirements, set in motion a chain of events that moved Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) recipients into the labor force and off state welfare rolls. Second‐order devolution shifted revenue and authority to community‐based organizations (CBOs) to help former recipients remain employed, advance to higher paying jobs, and move their families toward economic self‐sufficiency. Early findings from project innovations in Texas and other states raise doubts about the capacity of these organizations to achieve these goals. State funders will need to provide ongoing technical assistance and support to “scale up” the capacity of CBOs to plan, implement, and manage local innovations in welfare reform.  相似文献   

15.
Abstract Using the National Survey of Family Growth, we document nonmetropolitan and metropolitan single mothers' economic livelihood strategies. We have three objectives: (1) examine differences in employment, cohabitation, co‐residence with other adults, and welfare receipt; (2) evaluate how these livelihood strategies are associated with economic well‐being; and (3) identify key metro‐nonmetro differences in the effectiveness of these livelihood strategies in improving the economic well‐being of single mothers. We find surprisingly similar livelihood strategies in nonmetropolitan and metropolitan areas. Employment, cohabitation, and co‐residence are strongly associated with economic well‐being. However, nonmetro single mothers are less likely than metropolitan mothers to benefit economically from full‐time employment. Given our results, “work‐first” policies are likely to be less efficacious in nonmetropolitan areas. Indeed, nonmetropolitan single mothers are often “triply disadvantaged” compared to their metro counterparts; they experience higher rates of poverty, higher barriers to welfare receipt, and lower economic returns from other livelihood strategies.  相似文献   

16.
This article examines gaps in child support among welfare recipients in Wisconsin. Documented is the extent to which breakdowns at various stages—including paternity establishment, support orders, and payments—contribute to the low rate of child support receipt. Children were tracked over a 2‐year period to assess their progress through the child support system over time. Few welfare recipients are able to successfully negotiate the child support system, and mothers frequently achieve different degrees of success with different children. The characteristics of children who drop out prior to obtaining a support order suggest that, with an order in place, they would be as likely to receive support as are those children who already have orders.  相似文献   

17.
Using data from a representative sample of adults age eighteen to fifty‐five who reside in Toronto, Canada, and are employed in the paid labor force, this study asks: Are the health benefits of education, income, job autonomy, and nonroutinized work different for women and men? If so, do mastery and self‐esteem contribute to those differences? Results show that women and men derive different personal benefits from socioeconomic status and job qualities: (1) education, job autonomy, and nonroutinized work are associated more positively with the sense of mastery among women, (2) job autonomy is associated more positively with self‐esteem among women, (3) education, job autonomy, and nonroutinized work are associated more negatively with depressive symptoms among women, and (4) job autonomy and nonroutinized work are associated more positively with global health among women. Moreover, the patterns in (1) and (2) explain the gender‐contingent effects in (3) and (4). In addition, unexpected suppression effects reveal that, among men, education is associated negatively with mastery and self‐esteem—but only after adjustment for job conditions. I interpret the findings in the context of the disadvantaged status thesis and speculate about status‐related social comparison processes.  相似文献   

18.
Welfare has been stigmatized as a benefit for poor African-Americans, in particular for blacks accused of sexual promiscuity and a weak work ethic. Stigma has been found to demoralize welfare recipients, alienate middle-class voters who resent tax expenditures for public assistance, and fuel conservative support for legislation limiting welfare. This article describes another aspect of the stigmatization of welfare as a “black benefit”—the belief by some poor whites that they have experienced racial discrimination when trying to access cash assistance and other benefits. Drawing on data gathered as part of a larger, 18-month qualitative study, this article examines how impoverished whites in Philadelphia view welfare receipt and race. Ugly racial epithets and stereotypes were typically used when describing frustration over lack of access to welfare and other social services.  相似文献   

19.
Economic downturns, trends in the increased number of single-mother families and women entering the workforce, recent welfare reforms that make receipt of cash benefits contingent on employment, and changes in the economic environment that have increased employment problems, all highlight the importance of examining unemployment and underemployment particularly among single-mother families. The current study used the 2004 panel of the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) to examine patterns and correlates of unemployment and underemployment among single-mother families. The results indicate fairly substantial employment problems. Although approximately one-half (55.6%) of the single mothers had adequate employment, 30% experienced unemployment or involuntary job gaps, and approximately 15% experienced underemployment. Results further indicate that age, education level, past work experience, and homeownership are related to a reduced risk of employment problems. On the other hand, work disability, other family income, receipt of cash benefits, and state unemployment rates place single mothers at an increased risk of unemployment and underemployment. The findings suggest social policy implications and targeted assistance for those at-risk single mothers trying to secure adequate employment.  相似文献   

20.
In this article we examine the non‐economic, emotional meanings that men's economic migration has for the wives and mothers who stay in two rural communities in Honduras. Combining the literature on economic sociology and on the social meanings of relations within transnational families, we identify three areas that allow us to capture what the men's migration means for the women who stay – communication between the non‐migrant women and migrant men, stress and anxiety in women's personal lives, and added household responsibilities. Through interviews with 18 non‐migrant mothers and wives and qualitative fieldwork in Honduras, we find that women's interpretations of men's migration are not simple, black‐and‐white assessments. Instead, these are multifaceted and shaped by the social milieu in which the women live. Whereas the remittances and gifts that the men send improve the lives of the women and their families, these transfers also convey assurances that the men have not forgotten them and they become expressions of love.  相似文献   

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