Migration,urbanization, and fertility in the Philippines

3 groups of women are compared in this study of the effect of migration on fertility in a less developed country: 1) rural sedentary; 2) rural to rural migrants; and 3) rural to urban migrants. The data are from a 1970 household interview study conducted by the Institute of Behavioral Science, University of Colorado in Magsayay and Matanao, Davao Province, Mindanao, the Philippines. Social, economic, and mortality data were gathered from the household head and/or spouse for each household member and each child living elsewhere. Reproductive histories were obtained only from women for all women 15 years of age and older living in the 2 rural communities and living elsewhere. Age specific fertility rates and child woman ratios showed a declining gradient of fertility with social distance from the rural home communities. Age at marriage and education were positively associated with distance from the home communities and negatively associated with fertility. The data provide support for the hypothesis that recent migration is innovative, engaged in by more modernized persons who are motivated by aspiration to new goals, thus migration has a negative effect on fertility. Urbanization had its major impact after peak fertility years, 20-29, influencing urban migrants to bring their fertility under voluntary control. No such curtailment appeared in the late reproductive behavior of rural sedentary or migrant women. Urbanization seems to have a negative effect on fertility independent of migration. Young migrant women, in their teens, particularly those migrating to urban areas, did not fit the social mobility model; they tended to complete fewer years of school and married at an earlier age. These young urban migrants also had higher fertility than both rural sedentary and rural migrant females while in their teen years.     

Sex,lies, and videos in rural china: A qualitative study of women's sexual debut and risky sexual behavior

We studied the sexual behaviors of young, unmarried women living in rural China with a special focus on sexual debut, sexual risk‐taking behaviors, and reproductive health consequences. The analysis was based on 40 in‐depth interviews with young women who had undergone induced abortion, as well as information from focus group discussions. Study participants identified pornographic videos, parents’ tacit approval, and even encouragement as factors instigating their sexual debut. Reasons for unprotected intercourse included spontaneous sexual activity, misconceptions about fertility and the effective use of contraceptives, and the lack of negotiation skills. The results indicate the importance of making reproductive health education more accessible to rural populations in China, a group usually considered to be more traditional and less likely to engage in premarital sex.     

Demographic and socioeconomic determinants of female rural to urban migration in Sub-Saharan Africa

Data from the 1986-90 Demographic and Health Surveys of Burundi, Ghana, Kenya, Mali, Nigeria, Senegal, Togo, and Uganda were used to examine the impact of fertility, child mortality, and socioeconomic and demographic factors on female rural-urban migration of six months or more duration. Several principles appear to direct the migration of high fertility women. High parity women are free from the male demands for more children. Rural areas lack basic amenities such as schools, health services, and modern housing. Additional children may strain family resources and require additional income from other sources. Husband and kin may have already moved. All data are nationally representative, with the exception of Uganda with an 80% sample. Women living in rural areas two years prior to the survey were included in the sample. Fertility and mortality data pertain to children aged under five years in the period two to seven years before the survey year. Multinomial logit analysis was based on an analytical model developed by Goldstein and Goldstein. High fertility was found to deter female migration to either urban or rural areas. Women, who had one surviving child aged under five years, were significantly less likely to move to urban areas only in Nigeria and Senegal and to other villages in Burundi compared to women without a recent birth. Women with two or more surviving children were significantly less likely (by 43-75%) to move to urban areas in five out of seven countries. Moves to rural areas were less likely by 36-61% in six out of eight countries. The evidence does not suggest that the reason for moves is to advance the children's material or physical well-being. The number of births, particularly in Kenya where fertility is very high in rural areas, acts as a deterrent to migration. Child mortality only constrains moves to urban areas. Unmarried women, single women, better educated women, and adults in their 20s are more likely to move to urban areas.     

The problem of multiple causation in population analysis, with particular reference to the poplygamy-fertility hypothesis

The hypothesis that polygyny is associated with higher fertility than monogamy was evaluated. An assessment of previous studies and of the results of a 1966-1967 study comparing the fertility levels of polygynously and monogamously married women in a rural and an urban population in Nigeria lead to the conclusion that the hypothesis was useless. The hypothesis was judged to be useless because 1) fertility rates are the product of multiple influences; 2) it is too difficult to separate out these multiple influences, given the variability involved in polygynous practices and the inadequates of the data; and 3) the influence of polygyny on fertility is too slight to take into account. In the Nigerian study, the fertility of 2742 monogamously married women was compared with the fertility of 1261 polygynously married women. Preliminary analysis revealed that the fertility rate was higher for polygynously married women; however, when marriage duration was controlled, there was no significant differences between the fertility rates observed for the polygynously and monogamously married women living in rural areas nor those living in urban area.     

Sex, lies, and videos in rural China: a qualitative study of women's sexual debut and risky sexual behavior

This paper attempts to understand the sexual behaviors of young, unmarried women living in rural China with a special focus on sexual debut, sexual risk-taking behaviors, and reproductive health consequences. The analysis is based on forty in-depth interviews with young women who had undergone induced abortion as well as information from focus group discussions. Study participants identified pornographic videos and parents' tacit approval and even encouragement as factors instigating their sexual debut. Reasons for unprotected intercourse include spontaneous sexual activity, misconceptions about fertility and the effective use of contraceptives, and the lack of negotiation skills. The results indicate the importance of making reproductive health education more accessible to rural populations in China, a group usually considered to be more traditional and less likely to engage in premarital sex.     

Couples' Views about Planning Fertility in the Philippines*

Abstract This research examines Filipino couples' attitudes toward the occurrence and timing of their most recent pregnancies. Differences between processes operating in rural and urban areas are highlighted. Specific topics include the role of couples' fertility preferences in predicting the intention status of pregnancies, the effect of personal agency in decision making about contraception and childbearing, and whether women who are better able to communicate with their husbands about sex and related matters are more able than other women to avoid unintended births. These topics are explored through survey data and in‐depth interviews.     

Female labour force participation and fertility

The levels of labor force participation by women in selected Asian countries were recorded in a series of censuses taken over a period of years. These levels were less influenced than male employment levels by economic conditions and more influenced by cultural traits of the country. Postwar trends seem to have fallen in Korea, risen in Singapore and the Philippines, and remained steady in Japan, Malaya, and Thailand. The limitations of these data are mentioned. In Thailand and West Malaysia greater percentages of women worked in agricultural than non-agricultural employment; in the Philippines, where women did not work so much in agricultural pursuits, their jobs were still in traditional rather than in development industries. In the cities of Bangkok, Manila, and Kuala Lumpur, fertility was lower for working than for non-working women. In rural agricultural areas, the fertility of working women was minimally higher, probably due to economic need of lar ger families. It is concluded that urban life separates the employment and the family roles of working women, leading to lowered fertility; this does not occur in rural areas. The creation of new roles for women alternative or supplementary to marriage and motherhood would result in lowered fertility. In high fertility Asian countries, policies directed toward greater participation of women in non-agricultural work and great er exposure to an urban lifestyle might achieve fertility reductions.     

Labor force participation and fertility: a study of married women in Bangladesh

Most researchers support the notion that a direct negative relationship exists between married women's labor force participation and fertility behavior, yet female employment shows no consistent, general relationship with declining fertility at individual and societal levels. Specific conditions under which employment lowers fertility are therefore explored for the case of Bangladesh. The economic, sociological, and world-system theoretical approaches to the relationship and empirical studies in developing countries including Bangladesh are reviewed. 1975-76 Bangladesh Fertility Survey data on births, deaths, nuptiality, and family planning knowledge and practice for 5772 currently married women of 6513 ever married women under 50 sampled are subjected to multivariate analysis for the study. Analysis revealed that women's modern and traditional occupation as well as higher and secondary education significantly lower their fertility, and that higher age, Islamic religion, use of modern contraceptives, and husband's occupation in transitional and modern sectors have significant positive effects on fertility. The correlation between higher fertility and contraceptive use may be due to women's delay in practicing family planning until reaching desired parity and/or high infant mortality driving women to cease practice in order to replace lost offspring. Future research should be conducted with larger samples and also consider occupations of both husbands and wives. Societal attitudes about women's education should be reformed in support of opening rural schools for women. With 90% of women residing in rural areas and women with traditional occupations having lower fertility, more traditional sector opportunities for women in cottage industry and agriculture production are also recommended, and would help balance skewed urban growth and hypertrophication of the tertiary sector. Finally, motivational efforts should be focused upon encouraging younger instead of older married couples to limit fertility.     

Gender,lineage, and fertility‐related outcomes in Ghana

A growing literature examines the empirical relationship between the joint reproductive preferences of marital partners and reproductive outcomes in Africa. Less explored is how spousal power in decision making may be influenced by lineage type. Using pooled data from Ghana, we investigate how lineage affects gendered reproductive decision outcomes and find some evidence that matrilineal women are more able than nonmatrilineal women to translate their reproductive preferences into action consistent with their goals.     

The Social Bases of Rural‐Urban Political Divides: Social Status,Work, and Sociocultural Beliefs

The rural‐urban political divide has sparked media and social science concern. Yet national studies of rural and urban voters have largely failed to draw from the distinct conceptual literatures produced by rural sociologists. We take a new look at individuals’ voting choices, building from two rural sociological literatures, research on spatial inequality and on the rural‐urban continuum, to identify the social bases anteceding Republican voting in presidential elections. We analyze three social bases along which rural‐urban populations vary: social structural statuses, work and employment, and sociocultural values and beliefs. We question the degree to which rural‐urban differences can be accounted for by these factors. Data are from approximately 9,000 respondents to the General Social Surveys for election years 2000–2012. Our findings demonstrate that the literatures produced by rural sociologists provide a strong conceptual foundation for explaining rural‐urban voting differences. Rural and urban residents’ differential social statuses account for the greatest variation in their voting choices. Sociocultural values and beliefs, particularly attitudes toward domestic social issues, are also important. Findings add significant insight into the variety of factors that differentiate rural‐urban individuals’ voting choices as well as illuminate the need for greater emphasis on exurban voters.     

The relationship between migration and fertility in an historical context: the case of Morocco in the 1960s

The relationship between migration and fertility was explored on the basis of data collected in a 1966 survey conducted in the 9 largest cities of Morocco. Existing contradictory findings suggest the need to specify and analyze the conditions under which fertility differentials by migration status are observed. The 2 theoretically most interesting conditions were considered: the historical context of migration; and the type of migration. A stratified area probability sample was selected with different sampling fractions within each city and city-strata. In each sampled household, 1 married woman under age 50 and 1 50 years and over, as well as single women ranging in age from 15-24, were selected at random and interviewed by female interviewers. The present analysis was limited to data for ever married women under age 50. The following variables were used as controls in the analysis of the relationship between migration status and fertility: the intermediate variable of age at marriage; measures of socioeconomic status; labor force participation of women; and measures of exposure to the modernizing influence of the city. If the 2 conditions of historical context and migration typology had been ignored in the analysis of data for Morocco's cities in 1966, meaningful fertility differentials would not have been evident. It was only after migration typology and historical context were considered that a more noticeable pattern of differential fertility emerged. Migrants of rural or urban origin who moved to the largest cities of Morocco after independence in 1956 had the lowest fertility of any group. The highest fertility was observed for women who moved to these cities before 1956. The fertility of urban natives and of urban migrants who moved before 1956 was between the 2 extreme levels. Controlling for the effects of age at marriage and various socioeconomic factors reduced the fertility differentials but failed to change their pattern. It was hypothesized that the lower fertility of recent migrants may be explained by social mobility.     

Women and Migration in Albania: A View from the Village

Since the fall of communism in the early 1990s, Albania has experienced migrations of epic proportions: 17 years later almost one in four Albanians has emigrated and lives abroad, primarily in Greece and Italy. Albanian emigration has by and large represented a typically male‐dominated model, whereby men have “led the way” and women have followed as family members. Despite the considerable participation of Albanian women in this migration, their roles and experiences remain under‐researched. Based on in‐depth interviews with rural migrant women and their families, as well as additional ethnographic material collected from 2004 to 2006 in Albania and Greece, this paper aims to fill this knowledge gap. The findings demonstrate the various ways in which Albanian rural women participate in the migratory process. They are often the most important pillar for supporting the family migration strategy through their productive and reproductive labour when remaining behind. They are also closely involved in decision‐making about the migration of other family members. Furthermore, they have been among the pioneers of the early 1990s migration themselves, including taking the long and risky journeys across the mountains to Greece. Overall, their contribution to the migrant household is beyond their presumed reproductive role and includes a strong economic component. While some “traditional” norms and values persist and are reinforced during migration, change does take place, albeit at a slow and gradual pace. However, for the emancipatory benefits women could accrue through migration to be enhanced, immigration policies need adjusting to address their position as fully autonomous economic and social actors, thus reducing their dependency on male “bread‐winners.” Albanian women’s particular migratory experiences, combined with their increasing numbers as migrants, make a compelling case for further attention from researchers and policymakers.     

Gender and rural-urban migration in China

Many men and women in China are migrating in search of better economic opportunities. Young women who migrate to urban centers in search of opportunity may stay away from their home villages for several years. At some point, however, they are likely to return home. This article considers the effect which such circular migration is having upon gender relations in China. The author's argument is presented in sections on China's 1990 census, migration and the sexual division of labor, migration and child care, the influence of returning migrants, the influence of young female returnees, and the fertility of returnees. She speculates that the demands and expectations of young women who return to their villages after spending some time earning high wages in urban areas will be affected by urban norms. While their return may lead to initial conflict, it is likely that the women will retain greater personal autonomy from their urban experience. Their return is also likely to lead to a higher degree of material consumption in the rural areas. Present circular migration in China has the potential to return human and financial resources to the villages, thereby helping to prevent the urban-rural gap between economic, social, cultural, and educational factors from growing even wider.     

Social‐psychological principles in criminal justice processing

Based on 1979–1981 and 1989–1991 vital registration and 1980 and 1990 census data, we construct increment‐decrement life tables for rural and urban males and females. The analysis is centered on 1980 and 1990 and describes urban‐rural differences in patterns of mortality and nuptiality by age and sex. Our research updates an earlier study that described urban‐rural mortality and marital transition patterns for Tennessee, 1970. The 1980 and 1990 findings parallel the 1970 results. Rural women and men have shorter life expectancies; higher infant mortality rates; younger median ages of entry into first marriage, divorce, and widowhood; a greater proportion of their cohorts ever marrying; lower probabilities of divorce; and higher probabilities of widowhood than urban women and men. However, there was a decline in urban‐rural differences from 1970–1990. These changes suggest that urbanization, technological advances in communication and transportation, and the diffusion of urban lifestyles and values may have blurred the urban‐rural distinction.     

Chinese women's participation in fertility discussions

In an attempt to better understand the process through which the family planning (FP) programs and socioeconomic developments in China affect fertility, women's participation in fertility discussions with their husbands are examined as an intermediate factor in a study based on results of a random survey of 6654 ever-married women of reproductive age from 7 cities and 30 counties of Guangdong. First, it must be noted that Chinese couples do have individual choices (albeit quite limited ones) about their fertility; they can choose to follow or ignore government policy or they can choose to remain childless. The present study has 3 major hypotheses: 1) the more a woman is involved in fertility discussions with her husband, the fewer children she will have; 2) urban women with a higher educational status will be more likely to have such discussions; and 3) women who are contacted individually by FP personnel are more likely to be involved in fertility discussions. After a discussion of data collection and variables (number of living children, education of wife and husband, age at marriage, residence, living with parents, contacted by FP personnel, and discussion with husband), the results are presented in terms of zero-order correlation coefficients indicating their relationships. The bivariate analysis supported the hypotheses. Multiple regression analysis showed that age at marriage, education of wives and husbands, FP contacts, and participation in discussions remain significant fertility determinants (but the correlation between fertility and residence becomes trivial). A further regression model indicated that a woman's educational attainment is the most significant positive indication of their participation in fertility discussions. These results imply that as women's status continues to improve in China and the deeply-rooted patriarchal tradition loses hold, increased gender equity and education will influence a fertility decline. FP personnel could also encourage women to actively participate in fertility discussions with their husbands.     

Fertility variation among the U.S. foreign stock population in 1900

In the late 19th century, the US population included a large number of 1st and 2nd generation immigrants from European countries, often with relatively high fertility levels. This article investigates the degree to which fertility behavior changed as a result of social structural characteristics of the environment such as urbanization and children's role, the diffusion of fertility values and information from the native population, and the role of cultural values or resistance to change. By 1900 nationality groups within urban and rural environments in the US were showing amazingly similar degrees of adaptation in fertility patterns. Distinctive fertility patterns were being maintained over generations, but there appeared to be little inherence in the national culture or mentalities of the various European populations which retarded the speed of reproductive change, or even the legitimacy of smaller families. The clear continuing variations by nationality in fertility were geared to reflect social structural differences such as agricultural background and the functional role of children, rather than unique cultural outlooks. Even within the 1st generation, fertility variation across states responded in a regular manner to social structural factors, such as the agricultural orientation of the population and the importance of child labor. Other evidence suggests that some diffusion of fertility values must have been occurring from the native white to the foreign born population, especially within the urban parts of the US where greater contact was probably facilitated. The foreign born seemed particularly resistant to adoption of low fertility behavior in rural states where they comprised a significant segment of the population, and thus were probably able to isolate themselves more easily. These results do not support the notion of relative unique cultural adaptation. It may be that studies of the European transition have placed too much emphasis on cultural mentalities within various populations as a cause of different reproductive trends.     

Unsanctioned births in China

This study hypothesizes that "unsanctioned" births (beyond the limit authorized by the government) in China are more likely among couples who have strong traditional fertility norms and less likely among couples who adopt new family planning norms. The theoretical framework is based on cultural conflict theory as developed by Sellin. Data are obtained from 6654 ever married women aged under 49 years from the 1987 In-Depth Fertility Survey for Guangdong province. Over 30% of the sample were married before 20 years of age. 20% had 1 child, 26.7% had 2 children, about 23% had 3 children, 13.9% had 4 children, and under 10% had 5 or more children. The average number of living children was 2.5. Findings reveal that socioeconomic status was significantly related to unsanctioned births; they were more common in less developed areas and among women of lower socioeconomic status (SES). Persons living in areas with a high monetary contribution per person in family planning efforts at the county level were less likely to have unsanctioned births. Women who lived in urban areas, worked in state enterprises, and had parents with high educational status were less likely to have unsanctioned births. They were more likely among women who married at an early age, lived with parents after the marriage, had female living children, and had failed pregnancies. They were also more likely among women who had arranged marriages, a traditional desire for large family sizes, an early marriage ideal, and a preference for sons. Knowledge of family planning and greater use of abortion were related to a lower incidence of unsanctioned births. Women who talked with their husbands about their family size desires were less likely to have unsanctioned births. Parental educational attainment only had an influence among rural women. Variables impacted on fertility differently in urban and rural areas.     

Rural and urban women's perceptions of barriers to health, mental health, and criminal justice services: implications for victim services

The purpose of this study was to examine rural and urban women's perceptions of barriers to health and mental health services as well as barriers to criminal justice system services. Eight focus groups were conducted, two in a selected urban county (n = 30 women) and two in each of three selected rural counties (n = 98 women). Results were classified into a barrier framework developed in the health service utilization literature which suggests there are four main dimensions of barriers: affordability, availability, accessibility, and acceptability. Results indicate that: (1) women face many barriers to service use including affordability, availability, accessibility, and acceptability barriers; (2) it takes an inordinate level of effort to obtain all kinds of services; however, women with victimization histories may face additional barriers over and above women without victimization histories; (3) barriers to health and mental health service utilization overlap with barriers to utilizing the criminal justice system; and (4) there are many similarities in barriers to service use among rural and urban women; however, there are some important differences suggesting barriers are contextual. Future research is needed to further clarify barriers to service use for women with victimization histories in general, and specifically for rural and urban women. In addition, future research is needed to better understand how women cope with victimization in the context of the specific barriers they face in their communities.     

The implications of the demographic transition theory for fertility change in Nigeria

Data on educated urban women in Nigeria demonstrate the effect women's education and urbanization has on reproductive behavior, marriage, family formation, and family relationships. Available health services contribute to a fall in infant mortality, but most services are in urban areas. Further, people of high socioeconomic status who have access to modern health services are more concerned about public health problems than those in the low group. Urbanization occurs at a rate of about 11%/year. In Lagos, people with primary education delay marriage 1-2 years longer than those who have no education. Further, 71% of uneducated people in Ibadan who were = or + 38 years old were in a polygynous marriage compared to 38% of educated people in the same age group. The actual and desired family size in Nigeria ranks amoung the highest in the world. In addition, only 20% of the total population use modern contraceptives and usage is highest in Lagos and Ibadan. Most acceptors are educated urban middle class who use contraceptives to space births instead of the traditional spacing methods of postpartum abstinence and prolonged lactation. Eventually more and more urban middle class women will use contraceptives to prevent births. 1% of these acceptors are demographic innovators, however. Further they begin to use contraceptives at high parities. Still child mortality among them is lower than others. Since the late 1970s, as people are being exposed to Western culture, the economy has improved, mortality has fallen, more children attend schools, yet fertility has grown substantially in urban and rural areas. With the expansion of Western education to females, the changing pattern of life style of the educated urban middle class, and increase of women in nontraditional professions, expectations and needs of children will change. Around 2000 Nigeria will begin its demographic transition from high to low fertility.