Rural Policy and Direct Local Participation: Democracy,Inclusiveness, Collective Agency,and Locality‐Based Policy*

Abstract During the closing decades of the twentieth century, the federal government has experienced a period of delegitimation and fiscal crisis that has led to decentralization of some federal programs and a fledgling revival of community‐ and place‐based policies. These and other locality‐based policies are not new tools. The renewed interest in this type of policy raises questions about their effectiveness. Historic and recent records of locality‐based policies suggest that they are not panaceas for achieving programmatic goals. Three cases provide an empirical, comparative basis for assessing the liabilities of locality‐based policies: the Third New Deal efforts to institute county land‐use planning; Mexico's experiences with community forestry; and emerging grassroots ecosystem management movements in the western United States. Among other factors, the degree of local democracy and inclusiveness and the quality of local social, economic, and physical infrastructures are identified as important in mediating effective policy implementation.     

The History of Affirmative Action in the USA: A Teaching and Learning Guide

This Teaching and Learning Guide is designed to accompany my Sociology Compass article on affirmative action. The sample syllabus is organized historically beginning with FDR's New Deal and the first use of the term affirmative action and ending with the most recent Supreme Court's deliberations on this policy. In doing so, it attends not only to the varied meanings and forms of affirmative action across time but also the different interest groups arguing for and against this remedial policy. Along the way, it explores the changing history of race relations in the USA, considers the value of personal narratives as sources in exploring meaning and personhood, examines the ways the news media has framed the debate in contemporary America, and finally, speculates about the future of this controversial policy.     

Social Inclusion as an Agenda for Mental Health Social Work

Summary

Following New Labour's election to office in the UK in 1997, policy initiatives have proliferated relating to mental health. Much of this policy innovation emphasises the social dimensions of mental health and distress, with an emphasis on employment and social inclusion. Paradoxically, this modernization of the mental health agenda comes at a time when mental health social work is struggling to establish its role and contribution within recently integrated health and social services. The paper considers whether New Labour's flagship programme, Mental Health and Social Exclusion, constitutes a “New Deal” for mental health, and whether it provides a perspective that will help mental health social work to define its distinctive contribution to integrated services.     

Democratizing States and the Use of History*

Abstract A pervasive anti‐statism often blinds us to the democratic victories in the past and thus to possibilities in our future. This article argues that big government can democratize society and uses historical investigation to make the point. The study of history emancipates us from the tyranny of the present. Progressive social change has come about in the United States and elsewhere as combined bottom‐up, top‐down initiatives. I present two such cases of democratization during the New Deal era. The first is about rural sociologists' participatory‐action research with local citizens for policy planning. This program, while short‐lived, fed into the creation of the field of community development. The other is a land‐reform experiment among poor African Americans. In the 1960s these “resettlement communities” became local strongholds of the civil‐rights movement, and their descendants carry on the struggle today. I use these two historical instances to show that big states as well as social scientists have been effective agents of democracy, and suggest that they can be again. History then enable us to re‐imagine, re‐new, and re‐form our democratic tradition of rural sociology.     

Can the New Deal solve the old problem of aid orphans and darlings? Aid effectiveness in fragile states

The New Deal for Engagement in Fragile States marks an important ideological shift in development co‐operation. Despite this progress, no practical response has been found to the problem of aid co‐ordination. This article traces the issue of aid allocation and highlights lessons from the ‘aid orphan’ and ‘aid darling’ debate. It examines the significant, yet under‐reported, policy process of the New Deal. It argues that deeper engagement with the concept of trust, and renewed focus on the political elements of the agreement, should be key priorities for the International Dialogue on Peacebuilding and Statebuilding.     

Just One Click Away: The Politics of E‐Commerce Sales Tax Policy

E‐commerce has altered the relationship between consumers, businesses, and U.S. states. E‐retailers are not required to collect sales tax from their customers, thus depriving fiscally insecure states of tax revenue, and providing a competitive advantage for e‐retailers, like Amazon Inc., in their struggle for market share with brick‐and‐mortar stores, like Walmart. Attempts at e‐commerce sales tax policy by state legislators and brick‐and‐mortar lobbyists failed until 2008 when New York successfully passed legislation. A subsequent wave of legislation ensued, and between 2008 and 2012, e‐commerce sales tax legislation left committee in fourteen states, each experiencing various levels of success. Existing explanatory efforts have not fully accounted for the combinatorial effect of political–institutional structure and market contestation in U.S. state‐level policy creation, as well as the likelihood of multiple pathways to passage. Embracing this framework, I use fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) to uncover three sufficient pathways for successful passage of e‐commerce sales tax policy. Two paths highlight the confluence of large retailer pressure and a conductive political–institutional structure facing fiscal stress, while the third path reflects political–institutional forces. These findings corroborate, as well as build upon, our knowledge of fiscal sociology, policy domains, and corporate power in American politics.     

REPEATED LOBBYING BY COMMERCIAL LOBBYISTS AND SPECIAL INTERESTS

Developing a lobbying model of repeated agency, we explain previously unexplained features of the real‐world lobbying industry. Lobbying is divided between direct representation by special interests to policymakers, and indirect representation where special interests employ professional intermediaries called commercial lobbyists to lobby policymakers on their behalf. Our analytical structure allows us to explain several trends in lobbying. For example, using the observation that in the United States over the last 20 years, policymakers have spent an increasing amount of their time fundraising as opposed to legislating, we are able to explain why the share of commercial lobbyist activity in total lobbying has risen dramatically and now constitutes over 60% of the total. The key scarce resource in our analysis is policymakers' time. Policymakers allocate this resource via implicit repeated agency contracts that are used to incent special interests and commercial lobbyists to provide a mix of financial contributions and information on policy proposals. These implicit agency contracts solve both an information problem in the presence of unverifiable policy information and a contracting problem in the absence of legal enforcement. These repeated relationships, that are often described using the pejorative term “cronyism” in the popular press, may in certain circumstances be welfare improving. (JEL D72, D82, H1, P16)     

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF NEW DEAL FISCAL FEDERALISM

While the introduction of federal matching grants to finance the New Deal relief programs is usually viewed as a mechanism to insure federal control over state relief spending, a careful study of the New Deal reveals that the reverse was the case: matching grants allowed the states to escape close federal control. The standard economic model of inter-governmental grants reveals that the federal government will, if allowed, prefer to use discretionary rather than matching grants. With discretion, however, came power; power that neither the states nor Congress wished to see concentrated in the Executive branch.     

Ideas in action: the politics of Prussian child labor reform, 1817–1839

This article explains the political origins of an 1839 law regulating the factory employment of children in Prussia. The article has two aims. First, it seeks to explain why Prussia adopted the particular law that it did. Existing historical explanations of this particular policy change are not correct, largely because they fail to take into account the actual motivations and intentions of key reformers. Second, the article contributes to theories of the role of ideas in public policymaking. Ideas interact with institutional and political factors to serve as motivators and as resources for policy change. As motivators, they drive political action and shape the content of policy programs; as resources, they enable political actors to recruit supporters and forge alliances. I offer a theory of the relationship between ideas, motivation, and political action, and I develop a methodological framework for assessing the reliability of political actors’ expressed motivations. Further, I explain how political actors use ideas as resources by deploying three specific ideational strategies: framing, borrowing, and citing. By tracing how different understandings of the child labor problem motivated and were embodied in two competing child labor policy proposals, I show how the ideas underlying reform had significant consequences for policy outcomes.     

SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION: THE AVAILABILITY OF ALCOHOL‐RELATED COURSE CURRICULUM AND SOCIAL WORKERS' ABILITY TO WORK WITH PROBLEM DRINKERS

An explanatory cross‐sectional investigation was employed to assess how well masters‐level social work (MSW) programs in the State of New York prepare students for practice with problem drinkers. The following areas were explored: (1) the incorporation of alcohol‐related coursework and field placement opportunities within MSW programs; (2) the relationship between students' completion of alcohol‐related courses and field placements and their subsequent ability to diagnose clients with alcohol problems, their willingness to work with problem drinkers, and their levels of alcohol‐related knowledge; and (3) subjects' levels of alcohol‐related knowledge in relation to their diagnostic ability and their willingness to work with problem drinkers. The sample consisted of 89 MSW‐level social work practitioners, who were active members of the New York State Chapter of the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) during the fall of 2005. Fewer than 3% of the sample reported the completion of an alcohol‐related course as a mandatory degree requirement and only 29.5% of the sample acknowledged the completion of an alcohol‐related field placement. These findings suggest that a possible gap exists in what social workers are being taught and what they need to know to successfully work with problem drinkers. The findings indicate that clients with alcohol problems are at risk of going untreated due to social workers' inability to correctly diagnose them as a result of insufficient training in the area of alcohol studies.     

The Moral Economy of Money between the Gold Standard and the New Deal

In this article, I show that Depression‐era popular opposition to gold standard orthodoxy had an identifiable impact on New Deal policy. Popular pressure was rooted in a political‐economic vision I call the “moral economy of money.” The moral economy of money included a critique of the gold standard and creditor classes and advocated a democratization of control over money and credit to restore social justice. Against many odds, Roosevelt narrowly defeated congressional majorities connected to popular groups bent on mandating Treasury currency issue. At the same time, he pioneered a discourse that became generalized in the following decades and discouraged a reemergence of the moral economy of money.     

“I Try Not to Depend on Anyone but Me”: Welfare‐Reliant Women's Perspectives on Self‐Sufficiency,Work, and Marriage*

Welfare reformers sought to reduce “dependency,” or reliance on state‐supported cash benefits and deployed a discourse of “self‐sufficiency” to promote the legitimacy of efforts to remove welfare recipients from publicly funded cash assistance through either wage labor or marriage. We use longitudinal, qualitative interview data collected from 38 initially welfare‐reliant women to examine what self‐sufficiency means to them and their perspectives on how work and marriage affect their ability to be self‐sufficient. Grounded theory analysis revealed that for these women, self‐sufficiency means formal independence from both the state (i.e., Temporary Assistance to Needy Families [TANF]) and men (i.e., marriage). Although they value marriage as an institution and would ideally marry, they do not consider marriage to be a likely route to self‐sufficiency given the pool of men available to them. Rather, they embrace their own market‐based wage labor as the means by which they can attain some measure of independence. Taking our lead from the women in this study, we challenge the emphasis on marriage in current welfare policy. We argue that employment training that results in better jobs for women and men and work supports that make low‐wage work pay are clearly the appropriate direction for policy aimed at the welfare‐reliant and working poor.     

New deal public relations: A glimpse into FDR press secretary Stephen Early's work

Long-time confidant and press secretary to US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Stephen Early served throughout FDR's 12-year administration. As such, he was chief White House communicator during the implementation of the president's New Deal policies and throughout World War II. In March 1934, on the first day of his second year as secretary, Early started a diary. He added to it until the end of the decade. This study examines 131 of Early's diary entries over its 6 years to construct a glimpse of his professional and personal life as a high-level government communicator. Compilations of his most common activities are made and compared over time, and a discussion of Early's day-to-day professional work, private time, and contributions within the context of modern public relations practice are included.     

Caron in‐network with Aetna

Caron Treatment Centers is an in‐network provider for Aetna, effective Oct. 1, the Pennsylvania‐based program announced last week. “The COVID‐19 pandemic is taking a toll on the mental health of Americans,” said Doug Tieman, CEO and President of Caron Treatment Centers. “Unfortunately, isolation and anxiety make addiction worse, and we are already seeing a spike in substance use and substance use disorders. It's imperative that families have access to affordable, high‐quality, life‐saving treatment programs and support services.” The expansion of in‐network insurance relationships is among several recent moves by Caron to make treatment more accessible. Caron is also an in‐network provider with Highmark and the Blue Card program, which covers persons entitled to benefits as a member of any other Blue Cross and/or Blue Shield plan licensed by the Blue Cross Blue Shield Association, Independence Blue Cross, AmeriHealth Administrators, Independence Administrators, UPMC, Blue Cross Blue Shield, Employer Groups of Penn Medicine and Tower Health. “Accessing quality substance use disorder treatment has always been difficult for many families,” continued Tieman. “With more than 20 percent of the treatment sector reducing or closing services and programs as a result of the pandemic, it's even more difficult. This in‐network agreement with Aetna allows their members to access Caron at a time when they are needed the most.”     

Kinship care in Australia

Kinship care is the fastest growing form of out‐of‐home care placement in Australia. It is now a more common form of placement than foster care in some Australian states and is the most common form of placement for Indigenous children nationally. This paper reviews national data and reports ?ndings from a state (New South Wales) study of the experience of kinship carers, children and workers. Relative carers, children and child welfare caseworkers were found to identify psychological bene?ts, family obligation and criticism of other forms of care as reasons for preferring kinship care. Legislation and policy, particularly the Aboriginal Child Placement Principle, are also identi?ed as factors contributing to the rise in kinship care. Concern for the high levels of stress among carers and the low levels of monitoring of children's safety and well‐being are discussed and a stronger policy and practice response from government agencies is proposed. Indications of new policy and programme responses are demonstrated by several recent initiatives at state and national levels. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Employer‐Supported Child Care: Who Participates?

Child‐care vouchers are becoming more common and can provide child‐care assistance to a wide spectrum of the population. There is little empirical research, however, on which workers participate in their employer's child‐care programs. In this exploratory study, employees with children at 1 large university completed questionnaires to gather information on their child‐care arrangements and their experience with the employer's child‐care voucher program (N = 949). Results indicate that the employees who were most in need of child‐care assistance in terms of family structure, job type, and child‐care expenses were more likely to receive vouchers. Federal policy limiting the structure of employer‐sponsored voucher programs appeared to present barriers to participation for certain groups of employees.     

An equilibrium analysis of the gender wage gap

Within a two‐sector general equilibrium model, women's productivity in the marketplace decreases with the amount of household work they perform at home. Assuming that men's and women's household labour inputs are complementary here we prove the existence of multiple equilibria. In some, men and women allocate their labour equally and earn identical wages. In others, they allocate labour differently and earn different wages. In this context, beliefs about the inferiority of women's productivity are shown to be self‐fulfilling. By use of numerical examples, we show that welfare is highest when spouses allocate labour equally and suggest policy recommendations.     

'It Won't Change the World But it Turned my Life Around': participants' views on the Personal Advisor Scheme in the New Deal for Disabled People

This article is a response to the largely negative commentary on the New Deal for Disabled People, in this journal and other leading social policy journals. It draws on a recent qualitative study of disabled people who have re-entered the labour force with the assistance of the Personal Advisor Scheme. Whilst it is acknowledged that the New Deal has its limitations and shortcomings, it is argued that the positive aspects of the scheme deserve to be highlighted. Also, it is suggested that the importance of enabling individuals who have experienced the scheme to voice their opinions and perceptions cannot be understated. By listening to the views and attitudes of those who have first hand experience of the scheme, policies and practices can be developed and redefined in ways, which incorporate the needs and views of the users.     

Masculinity,Gender, and Rural Policy*

Abstract This paper explores the operation of gender relations in the context of rural policy. Framed by debates on new rural governance, it considers how both the content and the culture of recent rural regeneration policy reflect highly masculine values and the maintenance of traditional power relations. New forms of decision making in rural areas promote a style of policy making that values and grants priority to male networks in the construction of elite groups and styles of management, and devalues community participation. We use examples from the United Kingdom to demonstrate the implications of shifts in the mechanisms and practice of policy making and implementation for men's and women's differential involvement and experience with rural regeneration. We go on to show how gender relations are also reflected in the content of contemporary rural regeneration policy. Decisions concerning the most appropriate types of initiative are predicated on a male‐oriented view of previous economic activity and local labor markets, and represent a highly masculinist approach to regeneration.     

Yuppies

According to widespread press reports, the Young Urban Professionals—membersof the baby boom generation with college educations and high-payingjobs—are becoming a dominant political and cultural forcein American society. While accounts of their attitudes are impressionistic,most suggest that they adopt liberal positions on issues ofpersonal freedom but reject the socioeconomic liberalism ofthe New Deal and the 1960s. Analysis of the General Social Surveysfrom 1982 to 1984, however, shows that while the presumptiveyuppies are more liberal than the general population on issuesof personal freedom, they are not particularly conservativeon social welfare issues. The differences are explained by theiryouth and higher education rather than by any distinct yuppieattitude syndrome. Some possible causes of the mass media'sinfatuation with a perhaps mythical yuppie are discussed.