Trade liberalization and factor prices: An application to the U.S. manufacturing sector

The effects of a trade policy on the prices of productive factors have important policy implications, particularly with regard to trade liberalization and protection. This paper examines the empirical evidence of the Stolper-Samuelson theorem for 16 major U.S. manufacturing industries. The theorem asserts that international trade reduces the prices of scarce productive factors and hence decreases their shares of income. The elasticities of prices of finished goods with respect to factor prices are estimated and then rearranged in the form of the row stochastic P-matrix in accordance with the proposition of Uekawa. The inverse of this matrix seems to confirm the weak version of the Stolper-Samuelson theorem.     

The independence condition in the theory of social choice

Arrow's theorem is really a theorem about the independence condition. In order to show the very crucial role that this condition plays, the theorem is proved in a refined version, where the use of the Pareto condition is almost avoided.A distinction is made between group preference functions and group decision functions, yielding respectively preference relations and optimal subsets as values. Arrow's theorem is about the first kind, but some ambiguities and mistakes in his book are explained if we assume that he was really thinking of decision functions. The trouble then is that it is not clear how to formulate the independence condition for decision functions. Therefore the next step is to analyse Arrow's argument for accepting the independence condition.The most frequent ambiguity depends on an interpretation of A as the set of all conceivable alternatives, while the variable subset B is the set of all feasible or available alternatives. He then argues that preferences between alternatives that are not feasible shall not influence the choice from the set of available alternatives. But even if this principle is accepted, it only forces us to require independence with respect to some specific set B and not to every B simultaneously. Therefore the independence condition cannot be accepted on these grounds.Another argument is about an election where one of the candidates dies. On one interpretation this argument can be taken to support an independence requirement which leads to a contradiction. On another interpretation it is a condition about connexions between choices from different sets.The so-called problem of binary choice is found to be different from the independence problem and it plays no essential role in Arrow's impossibility result. Other impossibility results by Sen, Batra and Pattanaik and by Schwartz are of a different character.In the last section, several weaker independence conditions are presented. Their relations to Arrow's condition are stated and the arguments supporting them are discussed.     

Poverty and economic decision making: a review of scarcity theory

Theory and Decision - Poverty is associated with a wide range of counterproductive economic behaviors. Scarcity theory proposes that poverty itself induces a scarcity mindset, which subsequently...     

A comparative study of multiattribute decision making methodologies

Three real life cases are considered in this paper to apply and compare the rankings obtained by the Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) and other Multicriteria Decision Making (MCDM) techniques such as Simple Additive Weighting (SAW), ELECTRE and Weighted Linear Assignment Method (WLAM). The results indicated that the AHP, SAW, and ELECTRE rankings do not differ significantly, however, the WLAM tends to exhibit more disagreement. However, because of the limited nature of this study, we do not suggest this as a general conclusion.     

For an integrative theory of social behaviour: Theorising with and beyond rational choice theory

Most sociologists are not content with merely relating macrosocial phenomena to preceding macrosocial causes in their causal explanations of social phenomena. Instead they are seeking to provide (non‐reductive) microfoundations with which they can corroborate and make understandable the connection between macrosocial phenomena. In order to do so a theory (or theories) of human action is required. One such theory, rational choice theory (RCT), has long been viewed with strong suspicion in sociology. I show such suspicion to be partially justified. RCT cannot be a general theory of social behaviour. Nonetheless, there are important insights in various versions of RCT that should not be discarded. In order to improve upon RCT and move toward a more unified or integrative theory of action social‐psychological research has to be taken note of. I demonstrate how dual‐process theories and the research on heuristics can help sociologists move beyond RCT without contradicting some of its more basic insights.     

1945年美国《杜鲁门公告》探析

1945年9月28日,美国总统杜鲁门发布两项公告,分别阐述美国关于大陆架底土和海床的自然资源与公海某些海域的沿海渔业的政策。《杜鲁门公告》源于20世纪30年代美国国内出现的扩大近海管辖权的构想,反映了美国意欲扩大近海管辖权和维护海洋自由原则的双重目的。《杜鲁门公告》体现了美国国内政治的作用,反映了边疆消失论的影响,促进了国际海洋法的发展,是现代海洋政治和海底政治的重要里程碑,不过也使美国成为自身海洋政策的掘墓者。     

Office of Economic Opportunity: U.S.A.

The Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO), was created at the height of Lyndon Johnson's “Great Society” anti-poverty programmes. It represented a degree of radical activism that reached its culmination in the 89th Congress (1965-66) and indeed has never been repeated: that Congress was perhaps the only genuinely left-liberal one this century (outside the New Deal era, at any rate). The OEO's social policies were tied to a particular theory of public and social administration: that a “rival” federal agency to the existing ones (Health, Education and Welfare, now Health and Human Services; Housing, and Urban Development, et al) could escape their conservative norms. Both at the federal level and in the “field” agencies it spanned to implement its programmes, the new approach to social administration was to by-pass traditional channels. This short, illustrative rather than definitive article, examines how such an approach was undermined by both the U.S. political structure and by traditional “politics as usual”. It is but a snapshot of the era. However, it hints at the general problems that such approaches to “by-passing” traditional agencies and attempting to develop a new autonomy in social reform may have in many countries, especially those with decentralized political structures. For, while decentralized politics provides opportunities as well as barriers to reformers seeking to by-pass traditional elites (which themselves tend to be decentralized, mirroring political structures), it is suggested here that the balance sheet will tend to be negative from the viewpoint of reformist social administration.     

美国族群问题及其破解对策

美国是一个多族群的国家,族群之间的矛盾和斗争充斥着整个美国历史发展过程。"二战"之后,特别是20世纪80年代以来,由于白人至上主义和极右思潮的抬头,美国族群关系更趋于紧张。然而,在前苏联、南斯拉夫这些多族群国家解体的后冷战时代,美国却能够保持相对稳定的族群关系。这主要得益于其不断完善的法律制度、多元与一体的相对平衡,以及不断改进的社会保障制度等因素。由于美国族群政策是建立在资本主义私有制基础之上的,具有不可避免的局限性,因而对美国的族群政策应重于研究、分析,慎于借鉴。     

Lin Yutang's Perception of the U. S. A.

IThereweremanydramatictwistsandturnsinSino-U-S.relationsinthe40yearsfromthe1911revolutionledbyDr.SunYat-sen,whichbroughttoanendthe267-yearruleoftheQingdynasty,to1949whenChiangKaisheklefttheChinesemainlandforTaiwan.Chinawasgoingthroughaperiodofgreatchangeandtransformationunprecedentedinitsmodernhistory,andtherewasheateddebateandconflictamongChinesefromallwalksoflife,includingintellectuals,overthequestionofhowtoregardtheUnitedStates.Inthelightoftheirdifferentpositions,viewpointsandattitude…     

美国系统性种族主义理论综述

20世纪50-60年代民权运动以来,随着非洲裔等有色人种在政治、经济、教育和住房等方面条件的改善,一些白人和保守主义学者开始对美国的种族关系持乐观的态度,认为美国已经进入"后种族时代"(post-racial era)。与该论调持相反的观点,系统性种族主义理论认为今天的美国与过去一样仍然是一个白人支配的压迫社会,白人对非洲裔等有色人种的支配是种族不平等的根源。该理论为美国种族研究提供了一个新范式,有助于理解美国种族主义的本质和种族关系的发展脉络。但是,该理论也受到一些质疑和批判,如陷入"黑白二元论"的窠臼,忽视了有色人种的作用,对种族关系持悲观的态度等。     

A decision theory of clergy political behavior

Studies of clergy political behavior have used one of two empirical lenses to explain clergy actions—ideology and contextual influences. The first lens generally supposes that clergy behave according to their sincerely held preferences; the second takes personal ideology into account, but suggests that clergy are also subject to influence from the environment in which they serve. While both approaches have received adequate attention, there has been no attempt to develop a systematic decision theory outlining when and why clergy might elect to follow their ideological preferences in some cases, and respond to contextual influence in others. This research note proposes a decision theory based on work in the congressional behavior scholarship. It outlines the conditions under which clergy use their sincere preferences and reference group cues to determine their political behavior. It then tests these propositions using data from two national surveys of American clergy.     

美国社区中的志愿者服务

100多年以前,法国社会活动家亚历山大·托克维尔在游历美国时悉心观察了美国人参与乡镇社区义务劳     

美国对巴基斯坦发展援助新战略评估

美国奥巴马政府提出对巴基斯坦提供发展援助的新战略,在未来五年内将向巴基斯坦提供75亿美元非军事援助。该战略强调提升美国援助的影响力和可见度,重在巴基斯坦阿富汗边境地区的人道主义援助和国内能源、农业领域的基础设施建设,试图以此削弱巴基斯坦国内的反美情绪,获得巴基斯坦政府更多的反恐帮助,并防止宗教极端组织利用巴基斯坦威胁美国国土安全。该战略在美国国内争议不断,巴基斯坦各界反应不一,战略实施前景不明。     

Privatizing Social Services in the U.S.A.

Governmental and private sector social services organizations have traditionally shared important roles for provision and delivery of social services in the United States. Over the past fifty years, however, a predominant position has developed for the public sector, especially through federal funding for social service programmes. Recent challenges to the prevailing role of public sector dominance have been expressed by the proponents for privatization at a time when decreasing federal funds are made available for social service programmes. The analysis presented here examines the potential and problems associated with the privatization strategies offered through load shedding, limited-government arrangements, fee charging and competition. As a macro level approach for a comprehensive system of social service provision and delivery, these privatization strategies raise more questions than immediate solutions. A more optimistic view is taken if privatization leads to a more meaningful balance with increased co-operation between public and private social welfare auspices.