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1.
和经纬  黄培茹  黄慧 《社会》2009,29(6):1-21
摘要:观察中国民间社会的发展,对草根组织的研究必不可少。近十年来,珠江三角洲严峻的劳权状况和政府、工会的缺位,催生出一批草根性农民工维权NGO。在中国民间非政府组织整体生存环境不佳的大背景下,由于涉及“劳权”、“人权”等的敏感议题,农民工维权NGO的发展举步维艰。面对制度和资源的双重制约,草根NGO为了生存,采取了一系列策略。它们的生存状况与所持的政治意识形态和维权理念密切相关;为了补充合法性资源,草根组织不得不着眼于制度外的道义正当性,以期获得社会的支持以及政府的默认;草根组织试图通过建立顾问委员会、理事会等方式获得知识精英的背书,有的还诉诸与政府官员的个人联系。新近出现的自体制内组建的NGO为研究珠三角农民工维权NGO提供了新素材。  相似文献   

2.
公共政策:可持续发展的基石   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
董西明 《学术交流》2003,(4):103-106
可持续发展的目的是发展 ,关键是可持续。公共政策是政府的行为规范 ,它具有合法性、强制性、系统性、稳定性等特征。因而要将可持续发展战略由思想变为现实 ,必须以公共政策为基石作保障。各国保障可持续发展战略顺利实施的公共政策 ,既有丰富的国际经验可以学习 ,也有沉痛的教训可供借鉴。中国在可持续发展的道路上既面临着沉重的人口压力 ,又面临着经济发展和环境保护的双重任务 ,因此必须重视对可持续发展公共政策的制定和实施。  相似文献   

3.
《Social Sciences in China》2012,33(4):173-192
Since the rise of the Internet in China, China’s local governments have actively used Internet technology to facilitate public administration and public services. What impact, then, have different types of social media had on local governance? This paper, based on years of investigation of J Town and L Sub-district in Shanghai (2012-2018), finds that Internet technology has profoundly transformed the grassroots power structure. Before the rise of the Internet, the grassroots power structure included local government, activists and the masses; in the age of Weibo and home owners forums, grassroots opinion leaders rose, becoming an impressive social force that local government could not afford to ignore; in the age of WeChat, however, the influence of grassroots opinion leaders declined, as local government can interact directly with the masses through WeChat public accounts and WeChat group chats, with the network technology becoming a tool for micromanagement. These three stages correspond to three types of government characterized by limited mobilization, consultation, and user-friendliness, respectively.  相似文献   

4.
Objectives. I attempt to disentangle energy policy from environmental policy in order to explain the shifting politics surrounding the former. I can then explain why energy policies have historically provided distributive benefits but also the implications of the fact that energy proposals have in recent years become more regulatory in nature. Methods. I use a range of methods. These include qualitative accounts of the evolution of energy policy, graphic depictions of congressional activity, spending, and partisanship, and multivariate analyses of oversight activities. Results. I find that policymakers have historically treated energy issues as distributive policy, resulting in an emphasis on spending and oversight but not on substantial legislation. Over the last three decades, as policymakers push energy proposals that are more regulatory in nature, energy politics have become more divisive and partisan. Conclusion. Ultimately, I conclude that the enactment of strong energy policies will necessarily involve conditions that have been conducive to passage of other strong regulatory policies.  相似文献   

5.
Advancements by the federal government to extend access to health care to Medicaid eligible populations have been countered by state government efforts to curtail program benefits and eligibility. Fiscally and philosophically-based legislation and Medicaid waivers have created a patchwork of state policies that contradict the original civil rights orientation of the program. This examination of equitable access to Medicaid programs and services reviews individual and community factors and fiscal and institutional barriers that contribute to discriminatory practices and then explores ways in which the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) addresses those issues. We find that the ACA funding authorizations for numerous innovative programs strives to substantially redress issues of discriminatory and inequitable service provision.  相似文献   

6.
When are health departments and ministers influential across policies? This article looks for an explanation in the variable ability of the French, German and UK health departments to influence their states' approaches to EU health policy‐making. It proposes that the extent of departmental power within government and the likelihood that the government imposes a single line across all its departments explain the variable success of the three health departments in influencing EU policy – some have voice in their government's overall stance on EU matters, as in the UK, some have the ability to escape central control and pursue their own agendas in Brussels, and some have neither, and sometimes find themselves pursuing overall strategies that conflict with their analyses and preferences, as in France. The framework, using exit and voice, should be generalizable to the overall influence of health or other ministries in general government policy.  相似文献   

7.
李婷 《阅江学刊》2014,(5):107-113
“社会共和国”是马克思主义者对新型无产阶级人民主权的政体设计,它保留了共和国的政体形式并以阶级内容的无产阶级属性取代并超越了资产阶级民主共和国。马克思为“社会共和国”设计了一系列真实而有效的民主制度:人民普选制、社会主义代议制、议行合一制与民主监督制。这些真实的民主制度为我国当下的公民民主参与实践提供了坚实的理论依据,并将指导着我们进一步完善人民代表大会制度下的公民参与权、基层民主自治制度与民主监督等制度。  相似文献   

8.
We summarize and comment on the policy sections of the articles in this issue concerned with the health effects of residential environments. We review the implications in the context of public policies implemented over at least the last century to improve the least, as well as most, expensive housing. We make the argument that public policy can reduce but not eliminate the contribution of housing to the differences in health between the wealthy and poor. We conclude that the applied value of work such as that presented in this issue arises from its contribution to sustaining the improvements in health enjoyed over the last century, not from whether it helps eliminate the gap in health between the poor and wealthy .  相似文献   

9.
This paper examines the economic and political constraints on the development of Australian policy directed at the prevention of alcohol-related health problems. An analysis is made of recent official statements and enquiries and it is argued that heightened concern about prevention arose in the context of budgetary problems and the need for governments to find ways of containing expenditure in the welfare area. The effectiveness of current efforts is called into question by the real nature of the constraints on health, and of the disparity between prevention rhetoric and policy implementation. It is suggested that government statements of intent to reduce the overall level of alcohol comsumption in the community entail no clear-cut commitment to a particular strategy or set of strategies, and that recent government actions indicate the limited possibilities for the implementation of such a policy. Any policies governments are likely to pursue are unlikely to disrupt major sources of government revenue. Because of the high profile that governments have created for the problem, there is the possibility that the policies that are adopted will be politically expedient in the short-term rather than providing real solutions.  相似文献   

10.
The article describes the policies, legislation, institutional structures and programmes of the developmental welfare system for physically disabled people in South Africa that have developed since 1994. In so doing, it examines resources and constraints and suggests ways in which improvements might be made following the experiences in the first 12 years of social development in South Africa. The author believes that it is timely to pursue this topic given the barriers experienced on the ground where social developers are attempting to empower and improve the circumstances of physically disabled people. Thus, this article should be of interest to policy makers, social planners, practitioners, human rights activists and disabled people alike.  相似文献   

11.
Objective. This study identifies: (1) the smart growth policies adopted in a sample of U.S. cities; and (2) the relative impact of four social factors—education, local environmental activism, race, and homeownership on policy adoption. Method. A survey was sent to planning and development officials in a sample of 340 cities. Results. On average, the cities have 4.96 smart growth policies on their books. Adoption of such policies is more associated with two indicators of the new political culture (NPC)—the presence of environmental activist groups at the local level and the percent of college‐educated residents—than with the percent of residents who are white or the percent who are homeowners. Conclusion. The smart growth movement at the local level is a product of the environmental concerns associated with the NPC and is more likely to influence the adoption of land‐preserving policies than land‐use‐intensifying policies.  相似文献   

12.
What are the effects of public opinion on social welfare policies? To what extent is increased financial strain associated with stronger support for anti‐poverty policies? This article tests welfare state theory by comparing poverty, government policy and public opinion on poverty in the UK and Israel, based on rich and detailed comparable survey data on the conditions of the poor in both countries. The results show that, despite similar levels of income poverty and inequality, the poor have a considerably lower standard of living in Israel than the UK. There is considerably greater public support for the poor in Israel but limited government action to end poverty, whereas in the UK there is more limited public support for the poor but significant government action on poverty and exclusion. In both countries there appears to be only a limited connection between social solidarity with the poor and the political elite's rhetoric and action.  相似文献   

13.
依势博弈:基层社会维权行为的新解释框架   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
董海军 《社会》2010,30(5):96-120
基层社会的维权行为研究保持着延续性的沟通对话,但需要发展一种更为综合的解释框架来消解已有解释之间的张力。本文借用本土资源性概念“势”的含义,汲取各种解释的合理内核,基于乡镇场域的现实案例提出一种融合性的解释框架--依势博弈,包含知势、造势、借势、用势四个方面,与博弈对象的以势摆平、调解方的中庸调势处于同一维权行为系统中。依势博弈解释框架体现了维权行动的主体多元性、博弈平等性、策略权宜性、因素多样性、内容丰富性等特征,反应了中国基层社会变迁的倾向,拓展基层维权抗争的视角,体现了从官民或者说强弱维权中走向多元化利益博弈,具有更高层次的概括解释力。  相似文献   

14.
The British government's requirement for expert medical advice from the 1850s led to the development of a medical civil service, which reached its peak in size and authority in the 1970s. By this time the Chief Medical Officer (CMO) had direct management of a staff of over 170 medically qualified civil servants, who provided expertise on the development and implementation of new medical treatments as well as on broader health protection and promotion issues. The successive Whitehall efficiency reviews from 1979 onwards culminated in 1994 in the merger of the parallel medical and civil service reporting hierarchies in the Department of Health, effectively reducing the CMO's ability to call upon the support of medical civil servants, at a time of increasing new health threats such as AIDS and MRSA. This article uses government reports to chart the rise and fall of the British medical civil service. It discusses how, in the last ten years, the British government has become more imaginative in its use of temporary specialist medical advisers (tsars) brought in from the NHS, in relaxing the formal civil service hierarchies, and quietly abandoning the statutory Standing Medical Advisory Committee (SMAC). This article suggests that when the government has failed to give adequate support to its CMOs, the medical civil service has suffered from poor morale, experienced recruitment difficulties, and the ability to respond to health crises has been compromised. It highlights the chronic lack of historical awareness in the development of health policy in Britain.  相似文献   

15.
Despite the anticipation that the legal system would be able to offer a civilized and institutionalized means in settling the infringement of homeowners' property and consumer rights, empirical evidence has instead indicated a decline in the employment of litigation in dispute resolution. This paper attempts to examine the complex interaction between the rule of law and homeowner activism in upholding their rights. Information on property related litigation was collected from online court rulings in Shanghai which is supplemented with in-depth interviews with homeowner activists who were involved in litigation. In this paper, the rule of law in China is analysed within a wider socio-political context of neighbourhood governance and the emerging civil society. Despite the inadequacy in the legal system in protecting homeowners' rights, empirical evidence has shown that homeowner activists have explored the legal system, not just as a means of redress but also to employ creatively as part of their action strategy in settling their problems outside the court.  相似文献   

16.
Over the last 15 years or so, a number of writers have undertaken critical analyses of Australian immigration that have challenged prevailing social science paradigms and raised issues of the representation of social and power relations in a very diverse society. These analyses have located Australian immigration within the context of international capitalism, exploring class segmentation and solidarity, the relation between policies and practice and questions of racism and nationalism.  相似文献   

17.
蔡政忠 《社会工作》2012,(9):12-18,21
公益信托是以慈善、文化、艺术、宗教或其他公益性质为目的的信托模式,因公益信托具有设立手续弹性简便与营运成本低的优点,较容易引导大众支持参与。但现阶段的非营利组织面临着同构型的机构募款竞争以及企业界对非营利组织的商业化包装竞争,导致发展空间处处受限。本文先以老牌信托王国的英国开始探讨公益信托事业的历史演变,再参酌重视资本运营效益的美国模式,最后以信托业融入东方社会价值观的日本进行比较分析,借鉴国际公益信托事业可持续发展的运作手法。相对于中国公益信托事业还处于萌芽阶段,除了不具英国有庞大民间财力可左右城市开发政策之外,加上人民过度依赖政府、信托法令不周全、中央地方政策冲突、领导过于重视经济开发、企业社会责任淡薄、非营利管理人才欠缺等等都让公益信托事业无法深入民心。因此本文以第三部门为视角,探索除政府、企业职能之外,对自然环境与文化资产保护该如何协助政府对公共利益观念的落实并因此创造可观的文化观光财。  相似文献   

18.
骆正林 《阅江学刊》2012,4(4):19-29
近年随着农村社会矛盾的激化,很多地方相继爆发了一些影响重大的群体性事件。群体性事件是群体舆论的行为表达,是广大农民通过肢体语言宣泄来表达意见的一种方式。由于少数地方政府没有认识到现代农民公民意识的觉醒,依然用强制手段来处理基层社会矛盾,致使基层干群关系紧张,群体性事件的矛头越来越向基层政府集中。群体舆论的传播有其固有的规律,基层政府只有尊重和服从客观规律,把握农民的社会心理,才能对群体性事件进行有效的舆论引导。  相似文献   

19.
陈宏 《创新》2012,6(2):25-29,126
党的十七届五中全会通过的关于"十二五"规划的建议明确提出,要创新社会管理,健全党和政府主导的维护群众权益机制,建立调处化解矛盾纠纷综合平台,切实维护社会和谐稳定。基层政府应以保障民生、改善民生为根本,把基层社会矛盾的调处作为常态建设,尽快建立和完善社会矛盾调处体系,构建系统的社会矛盾预警、防范和化解机制,妥善调处各类矛盾冲突事件,促进社会和谐发展。  相似文献   

20.
Parents seeking to balance their work lives with family responsibilities often find the challenge made more difficult by outdated images of the ideal worker, the good mother, and the good father. Social and legal constraints on mothers' choices exacerbate the problem. While other countries have implemented national work/family policies, the climate in the United States seems unreceptive to federal government mandates for meaningful changes in employees' work hours, schedules, and paid leave, or for sweeping new child care subsidies. As a viable interim measure, we propose a statute forbidding discrimination based on family responsibilities, which would tap deeply-felt values about the importance of family caregiving, serve as an important symbolic statement, and be useful to courts.  相似文献   

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