The effect of the united mine workers of America on the probability of severe injury in underground coal mines

This paper examines the efficacy of the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) in achieving safe working conditions by reducing the probability of severe injury. A detailed data base has been constructed for underground mines during the period 1986–1988. The results obtained fail to provide convincing evidence that the UMWA reduces the severity of injury, even though the UMWA has safety committees and inspectors in the mines where it is the bargaining agent. Further testing reveals that there is no significant difference in the probability of injury due to roof falls, haulage, and handling material, between union and nonunion mines.     

POPULAR SUPPORT FOR TRADE AGREEMENTS AND PARTNER COUNTRY CHARACTERISTICS: EVIDENCE FROM AN UNEXPECTED ELECTION OUTCOME

Using quasi‐experimental data from a survey that was conducted immediately before and after the November 2016 presidential election, we analyze how the election of Donald Trump affected the willingness of Europeans to sign a trade and investment agreement with the United States. We find that the election outcome lead to an immediate and sizable negative effect on Europeans' image of the United States. But we do not find that, at the same time, there was a negative reaction in the willingness of Europeans to sign an agreement with the United States. (JEL F14, F55, C26, F50)     

Settlers: New Zealand Immigrants from England,Ireland and Scotland 1800–1945

Shamit Saggar, Race and Politics in Britain (London: Harvester Wheat‐sheaf, 1992). Pp.xxi + 236. ISBN 0 7450 1206 X

Virginia Yans‐McLaughlin (ed.), Immigration Reconsidered: History, Sociology and Politics (New York, Oxford University Press [USA], 1990). Pp.viii + 342. £11.95. ISBN 0 19 505511 X

Gary P. Freeman and James Jupp (eds.), Nations of Immigrants: Australia, the United States and Migration (Melbourne, Oxford University Press [Australia], 1992). Pp.xi + 250. £15.95. ISBN 0 19 553483 2     

Harvest of confusion: immigration reform and California agriculture

"Agriculture was a major stumbling block to immigration reform [in the United States], largely because Congress was unwilling to assign explicit priorities to the competing goals of protecting American workers and admitting supplemental immigrant farmworkers. This article describes the Special Agricultural Worker or SAW legalization program that generated 700,000 applications in California and the hypothetical calculations required to determine whether Replenishment Agricultural Workers or RAWs will be admitted to the United States to do farmwork. The paper concludes that immigration reform did not resolve the century-old debate over agriculture's 'need' for alien workers; instead, SAWs and RAWs have contributed to the harvest of confusion on farm labor."     

Joseph Cowen and Popular Radicalism on Tyneside

Werner E. Mosse et al. (eds.), Second Chance: Two Centuries of German‐speaking Jews in the United Kingdom (Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1991). Pp.xii + 654. £36. ISBN 3 16 14571 2.     

Who Is Protected?

Many employers have excluded women whose infertility is not medically documented from allegedly hazardous work claiming they feared if the women became pregnant, their fetuses would be harmed. In United Auto Workers v. Johnson Controls, the Supreme Court held in 1991 that so-called "fetal protection policies" are unlawful sex discrimination. After examining four cases challenging exclusionary policies in Britain and the United States, this article unmasks and argues against the assumptions underlying such policies. By returning to well-established sex discrimination doctrine, moving away from a male norm, and reaffirming women's right to both work and have children, the Supreme Court's decision in UAW V. Johnson Controls is an important victory. The decision should help to break down job segregation, prompt the EEOC to act, and clear the way for addressing questions of health and safety rather than equality and difference.     

Que faire de la compassion au travail ? La réflexivité stratégique des avocats à l’audience

The article explores the way in which professionals who are exposed to people's testimonies of suffering manage to integrate compassion into their work. Research has shown how compassion is a problematic emotion for such professionals, and has identified the forms of reflexivity that they employ to handle the tensions that such feelings arouse. By examining legal work — in particular the practices of lawyers in a criminal trial where a large number of victims are present — the article makes a new contribution to the study of compassion in the workplace. It identifies the normative repertoire which lawyers use to construct an appropriate attitude towards victims and analyses how, within the framework of strategic reflexivity, lawyers mobilise this repertoire to suit the particular interests they are representing at the trial.     

Psychologists and psychiatrists who violate the Goldwater Rule are guilty of malpractice

ABSTRACT

A number of psychiatrists and psychologists declared in the past year that the newly elected president was unfit to hold office due to mental illness, or being dangerous. Such declarations were made even though the subject had not been personally interviewed or tested and, consequently, they are guilty of malpractice. This has aggravated the already toxic milieu, wherein various prominent individuals have called for a coup d’etat to take place and families have broken up over election choices. Historical precedents for the current actions of these psychiatrists are presented, both in the United States and overseas. Dissenting psychiatrists brought up the Goldwater Rule that was created after the 1964 presidential election, which states that a psychiatrist may not make pronouncements of mental health on an individual that they have not personally examined. It is urged that the American Psychological Association and the Association for Psychological Science adopt the ethical Goldwater Rule.     

Recalibrating micro and macro social work: student perceptions of social action

ABSTRACT

As underscored by their professional code of ethics, all social workers are called to engage in social action that advances social justice. Yet, the focus of the profession has drifted toward individual treatment and away from social reform. Drawing upon data from an online survey of graduate social work students (N= 199) in the United States, this study explores the role of student perceptions relating to the importance of and their confidence in engaging in social action. Specifically, we assess whether perceptions vary according to practice level (micro or macro), social identity, or survey completion date (before or after the 2016 United States presidential election). Findings suggest that respondents exhibit a high degree of interest and confidence in social action with limited variation on the basis of their practice level or background characteristics. Furthermore, the 2016 presidential election did little to change perceptions of social action. This suggests that the profession’s marginalization of macro practice is not necessarily driven by student interest or confidence.     

Contemporary Social Work Education and Psychoanalysis

For the first time, the use of psychoanalytic theory in all United States Graduate Schools of Social Work has been surveyed! A comparative discussion of CSWE statistics is related to the survey. Important shifts in student election of multiple methods are noted. Faculty utilization of multiple theories to understand behavior is also described The need for curriculum emphasis of any idea system to develop an appreciation of possibilities of practice adaptation is inferred.     

Book Reviews

Books reviewed in this article: Citizenship and Migration. Globalization and the Politics of Belonging. By Stephen Castles and Alastair Davidson Workers without Frontiers. By Peter Stalker Issues in the Economics of Immigration. Edited by George J. Borjas Regularisations of Illegal Immigrants in the European Union/Les régularisations des étrangers illégaux dans l'Union Européenne. Under the supervision of Philippe de Bruycker Immigrants and the Labour Force: Policy, Regulation and Impact. By Ravi Pendakur Border Games: Policing the U.S.‐Mexico Divide. By Peter Andreas Immigration as a Democratic Challenge: Citizenship and Inclusion in Germany and the United States. By Ruth Rubio‐Marin Multicultural Citizenship of the European Union. By Juan M. Delgado‐Moreira The Origins of Multiculturalism in Australian Politics 1945–1975. By Mark Lopez From Ellis Island to JFK. New York' Two Great Waves of Immigration. By Nancy Foner Immigrant Mind, American Identities: Making the United States Home, 1870–1930. By Orm Øverland Immigrant Mothers: Narratives of Race and Maternity, 1890–1925. By Katrina Irving Transatlantic Tier in the Spanish Empire: Brihuega, Spain and Puebla, Mexico, 1560–1620. By Ida Altman Public Attitudes Toward Immigration in the United States, France and Germany. By Joel S. Fetzer New York Befire Chinatown: Orientalism and the Shaping of American Culture, 1776–1882. By John Kuo Wei Tchen New Chinese Migrants in Europe – The Case of the Chinese Community in Hungay. By Pál Nyíri In Search of an Identity: Essays and Ideas on Anglo‐Australians, German‐Australians and Others. By Johann Peter Weiss Dreaming of Gold, Dreaming of Home: Transnationalism and Migration Between the United States and South China, 1882–1943. By Madeline Yuan‐yin Hsu Indians in Britain. Anglo‐Indian Encounters, Ruce and Identity, 1880–1930. By Shompa Lahiri Women Migrant Workers in China's Economic Reform. By Feng Xu West Indians In West Afiica, 1808–1880. By Nemata Amelia Blyden     

POLITICAL NETWORKS ON TWITTER

This paper examines patterns of political activity and campaigning on Twitter in the context of the 2012 election in the Australian state of Queensland. Social media have been a visible component of political campaigning in Australia at least since the 2007 federal election, with Twitter, in particular, rising to greater prominence in the 2010 federal election. At state level, however, they have remained comparatively less important thus far. In this paper, uses of Twitter in the Queensland campaign from its unofficial start in February through to the election day of 24 March 2012 are tracked. Using innovative methodologies for analysing Twitter activities, developed by the research team, this study examines the overall patterns of activity in the relevant hashtag #qldvotes, and tracks specific interactions between politicians and other users by following some 80 Twitter accounts of sitting members of parliament and alternative candidates. Such analysis provides new insights into the different approaches to social media campaigning which were embraced by specific candidates and party organizations, as well as an indication of the relative importance of social media activities, at present, for state-level election campaigns.     

Nevertheless They Persisted: Gendered Frameworks and Socialization Advantages in Indian Professional Service Firms

This article uses the Indian case to offer nuance to narratives about the gendered experience of professional work. I find that while gendered constructs certainly infiltrate all workspaces, there remain occupational and organizational differences in the ways in which women experience their environments. Particularly, while Indian women lawyers overall are more disadvantaged than their international counterparts, the experience of women lawyers in very elite law firms is more favorable than both their local and global peers. A confluence of factors might be responsible for this unusual experience of professional work, but this article highlights the importance of one set of supply side dynamics: the variations in socializing experiences and expectations before entry into these firms. In doing so, it adds to the literature that suggests the importance of not just enrollment parity, but also early training and institutional socialization for gender egalitarian professional outcomes.     

De-marginalizing youngsters in public space: critical youth workers and local municipalities in the struggle over public space in Belgium

Young people from lower income groups or with an immigrant background in public space are increasingly problematized in Belgium [Karsten, L., E. Kuiper, and H. Reubsaet. 2001. Van de straat? De relatie tussen jeugd en publieke ruimte verkend [Of the Street? Exploring the Relation between Youth and Public Space]. Assen: Van Gorcum; Rom, M., B. Vanobbergen, E. Coene, and N. Van Ceulebroeck. 2012. “Een reus op lemen voeten: GAS voor minderjarigen [A Giant with Feet of Clay: Municipal Administrative Sanctions for Minors].” In Jeugdwerk en sociale uitsluiting. Handvatten voor emanciperend jeugdbeleid [Youth Work and Social Exclusion. Tools for an Emancipating Youth Policy], edited by F. Coussée en L. Bradt, 61–72. Leuven: Acco.]. Building on the model of [Lavie-Ajayi, M., and M. Krumer-Nevo. 2013. “In a Different Mindset: Critical Youth Work with Marginalized Youth.” Children and Youth Services Review 35: 1698–1704. doi:10.1016/j.childyouth.2013.07.010], this paper discusses the variety of ways in which youth workers in five Flemish municipalities engage in strategic relational and narrative work with young people and actors in their institutional environment to develop alternative perspectives on young people in public space. Drawing on qualitative case studies, we identify critical youth workers’ successful and less successful strategies. Our study reveals how the possibilities for critical youth work to develop ‘counter-narratives’ and ‘loosen up’ public spaces in favor of young people [Tani, S. 2015. “Loosening/Tightening Spaces in the Geographies of Hanging Out.” Social &; Cultural Geography 16 (2): 125–145. doi:10.1080/14649365.2014.952324], are circumscribed by the particular institutional embeddedness of youth workers, as well as by the depth and dimensionality of conflicts.     

Institutional Gothic in the novels of Vladimir Sharov and Evgenii Vodolazkin

ABSTRACT

Vladimir Sharov (1952–2018) and Evgenii Vodolazkin (1964–) are among the most significant and influential writers of contemporary postmodern Russian fiction. This article argues that the subgenre of institutional Gothic – defined here as Gothic plots set in mental asylums, hospital wards, and other places of involuntary confinement – is an important structural and metafictional element in their novels. It also suggests that these authors’ use of the Gothic mode corresponds to the traditional function of Gothic narrative as a reaction to historical trauma. Each of the novels discussed here (Sharov’s Sled v sled [In Their Footsteps, 1988], and Vodolazkin’s Aviator [The Aviator, 2016]) re-sites traditional European Gothic plots in analogous Soviet and post-Soviet institutional settings, including the clinic, the prison camp, and the mental asylum. For context, the article also discusses Gothic aspects of Sharov’s later novels Repetitsii (The Rehearsals, 1992) and Do i vo vremia (Before and During, 1993).     

On the equilibrium of voting games with abstention and several levels of approval

We study the core of “(j, k) simple games”, where voters choose one level of approval from among j possible levels, partitioning the society into j coalitions, and each possible partition facing k levels of approval in the output (Freixas and Zwicker in Soc Choice Welf 21:399–431, 2003). We consider the case of (j, 2) simple games, including voting games in which each voter may cast a “yes” or “no” vote, or abstain (j = 3). A necessary and sufficient condition for the non-emptiness of the core of such games is provided, with an important application to weighted symmetric (j, 2) simple games. These results generalize the literature, and provide a characterization of constitutions under which a society would allow a given number of candidates to compete for leadership without running the risk of political instability. We apply these results to well-known voting systems and social choice institutions including the relative majority rule, the two-thirds relative majority rule, the United States Senate, and the United Nations Security Council.     

WHAT IS THE PROBABILITY YOUR VOTE WILL MAKE A DIFFERENCE?

One of the motivations for voting is that one vote can make a difference. In a presidential election, the probability that your vote is decisive is equal to the probability that your state is necessary for an electoral college win, times the probability the vote in your state is tied in that event. We computed these probabilities a week before the 2008 presidential election, using state‐by‐state election forecasts based on the latest polls. The states where a single vote was most likely to matter are New Mexico, Virginia, New Hampshire, and Colorado, where your vote had an approximate 1 in 10 million chance of determining the national election outcome. On average, a voter in America had a 1 in 60 million chance of being decisive in the presidential election. (JEL H0)     

The Organic Crisis of the British State: Putting Brexit in its Place

The Brexit vote was a singular event that is one symptom of a continuing organic crisis of the British state and society and a stimulus for further struggles over the future of the United Kingdom and its place in Europe and the wider world. This crisis previously enabled the rise of Thatcherism as a neoliberal and neoconservative project (with New Labour as its left wing) with an authoritarian populist appeal and authoritarian statist tendencies that persisted under the Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition (2010–2015). The 2015 election of a Conservative Government, which aimed to revive the Thatcherite project and entrench austerity, was the immediate context for the tragi-comedy of errors played out in the referendum. The ensuing politics and policy issues could promote the disintegration of the UK and, perhaps, the EU without delivering greater political sovereignty or a more secure and non-balkanized place for British economic space in the world market.     

Citizens with learning disabilities and the right to vote

This paper asks, in the context of recent legislative changes, what can be done to support more citizens in England and Wales with learning disabilities to vote in national elections? This issue is addressed through (i) a review of recent disability access campaigns that have reported discrimination against, and the under‐representation of, adults with disabilities in UK elections; (ii) a review of recent research undertaken in the USA into the assessment of competence to vote and research undertaken in England that conclusively documents the under‐representation of voters with learning disabilities in the 2005 general election. It is proposed that a ‘functional approach’ to developing an individual's capacity to vote could help to fulfil Article 29 of the United Nations' Convention on the rights of persons with disabilities that gives all people the same political rights.     

Men's Self-Perceived Adequacy as the Family Breadwinner: Implications for Their Psychological, Marital, and Work-Family Weil-Being

Researchers note a link between men's changing role as the family breadwinner and declines in their personal and marital well-being. To explore this link more fully, two aspects of the breadwinner role, earner status (single- [n = 50], main-[n = 46], dual-earner [n = 43]) and self-perceived adequacy as the family breadwinner, were examined. Using analysis of variance, 139 family men are compared in terms of measures of psychological, marital, and work-family well-being. Self-perceived inadequate breadwinners (n = 51) report more depression and marital conflict than adequate breadwinners (n = 88). Men in single-earner families report less work-family stress than either main- or dual-earner men. If they perceive themselves as inadequate breadwinners, time conflicts between work and family responsibilities are a concern for men in main-earner families. If they view themselves as adequate breadwinners, dual-earner men report a greater sense of work-family role overload than if they view themselves as inadequate breadwinners.