THE SEX RATIO AND WOMEN'S INVOLVEMENT IN CRIME: A CROSS-NATIONAL ANALYSIS

By extending an influential theory relating societal-level sex ratios to women's life circumstances (Guttentag and Secord 1983), this article formulates hypotheses linking the sex ratio with three dimensions of women's involvement in crime: (1) women's victimization, (2) the protection given to women by the criminal justice system, and (3) women's criminal offending. These hypotheses are then tested with data from approximately 60 countries. The results suggest that a relative undersupply of women (i.e., a high sex ratio) decreases significantly women's criminal offending rate (as indicated by the ratio of female–to–male arrest rates for theft). The hypothesis that the sex ratio increases the protection from crime afforded women (as indicated by the percent of rape cases solved by police) receives guarded support. These findings accord with the sex-ratio thesis, which suggests that in high sex-ratio societies women will be highly valued and their roles limited to the family, where opportunities to commit property crimes are minimal. Contrary to our hypothesis, however, the sex ratio does not significantly influence the female homicide victimization rate. Finally, the level of socioeconomic development, as measured by a multi-item index, is shown to have a substantial influence on sex differences in homicide victimization and theft offending.     

RADICAL SOCIAL MOVEMENT ORGANIZATIONS: A THEORETICAL MODEL

In this article we contend that social movement theory has predominantly analyzed social movement organizations (SMOs) from a reform perspective, emphasizing movement participants' demands to be recognized by, and incorporated into, the dominant culture. While for many SMOs this has certainly been the case, we argue that it is an inadequate model for the study of radical social movement organizations (RSMOs). When we look at RSMO participants' self-defined goals and objectives, we find that they tend to focus on a radical restructuring of the system rather than incorporation into that system. We therefore propose an alternative theoretical model for understanding RSMOs, utilizing ideal type characteristics for the internal structure, ideology, tactics, methods of communication, and measures of success that differentiate such organizations from their more moderate, reformist counterparts. Through the use of primary sources, we provide evidence that RSMOs, such as the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), and various radical second-wave feminist organizations, would be better understood through such an alternative theoretical model. Other RSMOs could be similarly redefined through this model, thereby acknowledging their intentional differences from moderate SMOs and allowing them to be evaluated on their own terms.     

SOCIAL MOVEMENT NETWORKS VIRTUAL AND REAL

This paper discusses the impact of 'computer mediated communication' (or CMC) on political activism and social movements. CMC may be expected to affect collective action by improving the effectiveness of communication and facilitating collective identity and solidarity. However, the heterogeneity of social movements undermines generic arguments and their relationship to CMC. Accordingly, the potential consequences of CMC on three different types of political organizations are discussed: organizations mobilizing mainly participatory resources, organizations focusing on professional resources, and transnational networks. The potential to build 'virtual [social movement] communities' seems highest among sympathizers of movement organizations who act professionally on behalf of causes with vast resonance among the public opinion and low radical potential. All in all, the most distinctive contribution of CMC to social movements still seems to be instrumental rather than symbolic. Existing bonds and solidarities are likely to generate more effective mobilization attempts than was the case before the diffusion of CMC; it is more disputable though as to whether CMC may create brand new social ties where there were none.     

THE NATURE AND SOCIAL BASES OF PROGRESSIVE SOCIAL MOVEMENT IDEOLOGY: Examining Public Opinion toward Social Movements

Social movement scholars argue that movements within the same social movement family represent an ideologically coherent social force driven by an overarching master frame. Yet this claim has thus far been poorly documented. Analyzing public opinion data from a nationally representative April 2000 Gallup Poll, we find substantial evidence of a progressive social movement ideology centered around the extension of rights within the American public, as support for individual movements within this family is highly interrelated. Adherents to this progressive social movement ideology are drawn from self‐identified political Liberals and Democrats, the more highly educated, women, younger, and less religious adults. We argue that public opinion research should be seen as a valuable complement to existing case‐based social movement scholarship.     

THE CREATION OF POLITICAL SOLIDARITY IN SOCIAL MOVEMENT ORGANIZATIONS*

This article examines the debate within resource mobilization theory concerning the motivation of participants in social movement organizations. Conclusions based on a case study of a Chicago community organization emphasize the importance of political solidarity in movement groups. An argument is made for a stage model of mobilization in which different types of incentives dominate motivation at different levels of involvement in the organization.     

ALAIN TOURAINE, MANUEL CASTELLS AND SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY: A CRITICAL APPRAISAL

The "action theory" of Alain Touraine and Manuel Castells' theory of urban movements together constitute a social movement paradigm which differs significantly from both the traditional collective behavior explanation and the newer resource mobilization model. In this paper, the Touraine-Castells perspective is contrasted to the existing approaches with reiation to social movement causes, characteristics, and outcomes. It is argued that the work of this "French School" represents a partial realization of Traugott's (1978) attempt to reconceptualize social movements as distinct phenomena integrally linked to the analysis of social change outside institutional channels.     

THE STRUCTURE OF SEPARATED WOMEN'S COMMUNICATION WITH THEIR NONPROFESSIONAL AND PROFESSIONAL SOCIAL NETWORKS

This study assessed separated women's communication with their social network members—family, friends, clergy, attorneys and therapists. Women and their social network members were asked about the frequency and timing of their communication pre- and post-separation. Of particular interest to therapists is the finding that women seem to communicate with therapists before they begin to seriously think about separating and after they have made the decision, but not during the decision-making process. Implications of this finding are discussed.     

A STAGE MODEL OF SOCIAL MOVEMENT CO-OPTATION: Community Mediation in the United States

The community mediation movement in the United States arose in the late 1970s as an alternative to a formalized justice system that was perceived to be costly, time consuming, and unresponsive to individual and community needs. Community mediation advocates also valued community training, social justice, volunteerism, empowerment, and local control over conflict resolution mechanisms. But over the past quarter century, community mediation has become increasingly institutionalized and has undergone various degrees of co-optation in its evolving relationship with the court system.
Drawing on the literatures of dispute resolution, co-optation, and social movements, we analyze the evolution of community mediation and identify the degrees and dimensions of its co-optation. Thus, we develop a four-stage model of co-optation as it has occurred within the community mediation movement, identifying multiple steps in each stage. This analysis facilitates greater understanding of specific events, particular processes, and individual decisions and dilemmas that mediation activists face in their working relationships with their communities and the formal legal system. Further, scholars studying similar processes in other social movements may find that this stage model of co-optation, in whole or in part, is useful to their analyses of other movements.     

WOMEN'S WORK:

We use in-depth interviews, participant observation, and document analysis to examine women's involvement in the Gulf War Illness movement. We find that women's cumulative grievances of health concerns, financial hardships, and emotional problems opened them to movement recruitment as they surfed the Internet for information and support. The movement's division of labor was influenced not by gender but by health status. Women used the Internet to provide medical information and emotional support to geographically dispersed veterans. Activism transformed women activists by endowing them with a sense of empowerment and a somewhat broadened concern for social justice. Although their transformations disposed the women to become active on related issues, it did not extend to concerns about gender discrimination. We suggest that the next research step is to investigate gender differences in movement processes by surveying activists across a variety of movements to test propositions and to identify the characteristics of other social contexts that structurally instigate a departure from traditional gender roles.     

OFFICIAL FRAMES IN SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY: The FBI, HUAC, and the Communist Threat in Hollywood

Social movement researchers acknowledge that frames promoted by state managers compete in intense framing contests with collective action frames promoted by social movement entrepeneurs. But they have not analyzed the construction and promotion of these "official frames.'The FBI framing of the communist threat in Hollywood during the 1940s is examined and the limits of the countersubversive anticommunist master frame are explored. State agencies are established as signifying agents, and the construction and promotion of official frames is compared to similar processes for collective action frames.     

维权直通车

Guizhou Promulgates Anti-Domestic Violence Regulations.To protect residents'(especially women and children's)legal rights and interests,Southwest China's Guizhou Province adopted the Anti-domestic Violence Regulations of Guizhou Province during the I3th Session of the Standing Committee of the 13th Provincial People's Congress,which was held on November 28,2019.The regulations,the first of the kind in a province in western China,took effect on March 1,2020.     

维权直通车

Shanghai Strengthens Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency上海首度专门立法预防未成年人犯罪During the 39th Session of the Standing Committee of the 15th Municipal People's Congress(held on February 18),Shanghai adopted the Regulations on the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency in Shanghai.The regulations took effect on March I.The regulations,the first of their kind in Shanghai,were formulated based on recent years.     

维权直通车

Qinghai Establishes First One-Stop-Assistance Center for Girls青海创建首家“护蕾温馨小屋”To strengthen efforts to safeguard girls'rights and interests,a one-stop-assistance center for girls was established,by Qinghai Women's Federation and Qinghai Provincial Public Security Department,in Northwest China's Qinghai Province,on February I.It is the first provincial assistance center in Qinghai to provide one-stop,comprehensive services for girls whose rights and interests have been infringed.     

维权直通车

Chongqing Establishes One-Stop Restraining-Order-Application Mechanism重庆建立一站式人身安全保护令申请工作机制Chongqing Higher People's Court,Chongqing Municipal Public Security Bureau and Chongqing Women's Federation recently issued a document outlining the establishment of a one-stop,restrainingorder-application mechanisin in Southwest China's Chongqing Municipality.     

维权直通车

To protect women and children's legal rights and interests,Ganzhou(a city in East China's Jiangxi Province)Working Committee on Children and Women recently promulgated a work plan to establish the work mechanism,through which various organizations cooperate with each other to end domestic violence and protect children's safety.That,in turn,will promote social justice and harmony within families.     

WHOSE GAY COMMUNITY? SOCIAL CLASS,SEXUAL SELF‐EXPRESSION,AND GAY COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT

The visible and political gay community has been characterized as an increasingly middle-class, white institution. It is hypothesized that this middle-class nature requires economic and psychosocial resources that are not available to the working class and, thus, may limit the expression of sexual orientation for the working class. An analysis of data from the multicity Urban Men's Health Study supports this hypothesis. Nine of 14 hypothesized effects are statistically significant and indicate that working-class men who are homosexually active are less likely to describe themselves as gay, are more likely to have heterosexual experience, and are less likely to be involved in the gay community. Thus, it is important to incorporate class differences when addressing the social and the political dynamics of sexual orientation.